Monthly Archives: October 2014

Burkina Faso’s revolution 2.0

Things did not go well with Blaise Compaoré, President of Burkina Faso for last 27 years. Why§? the man wants to change the constitution so that he remains in power forever…he thinks he will still run affairs even after his death!  So many speculations are all over as to why Compaoré wanted this. One of the reasons is tha he fears that once out of the sweet chair, he will face prosecution for the death of his predecessor and cousin Thomas Sankara whom he is alleged to have killed.

A big lesson should be picked up by other dictators who have similar thoughts, especially those who are accused of war crimes. Who comes to your mind? Who else ? Paul Kagame of course.

To follow the Revolution 2.0 click Burkina Faso: Revolution 2.0

En direct: début des manœuvres politiques au Burkina Faso

mediaManifestants à Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, le 30 octobre 2014.REUTERS/Joe Penney

Le Burkina Faso est en ébullition. Ce jeudi 30 octobre au matin, les députés burkinabè devaient examiner le projet de loi portant sur la révision de la Constitution permettant une nouvelle candidature du président Blaise Compaoré après 2015. Un projet largement contesté. Avant le début de la séance, des manifestants ont réussi à pénétrer dans l’enceinte du Parlement. Depuis, le mouvement de colère a pris de l’ampleur et de violents combats ont eu lieu près de la présidence.

Émission spéciale ce jeudi sur RFI de 17h (TU) à 19h (TU).

Les heures sont données en temps universel

15h30 : Le général Kouamé Lougué est parti, en compagnie du chef d’état-major particulier de Blaise Compaoré, le général Diendéré, vers le palais présidentiel officiellement pour rencontrer le chef de l’Etat.

15h05 : L’autre envoyé spécial de RFI, Frédéric Garat, est au siège de l’opposition burkinabè. Il précise que tous les leaders du mouvement sont présents, signe du début des grandes manœuvres. Des diplomates, et notamment l’ambassadeur de France, se sont aussi rendus au siège de l’opposition pour échanger avec les responsables politiques.

15h02 : Sur l’antenne de RFI, l’envoyée spéciale de RFI Maureen Grisot revient sur le général Kouamé Lougué qui explique qu’il pourrait tout à fait prendre la tête de la manifestation. Il semble soutenu par les milliers de manifestants présents devant le palais présidentiel.

14h50 : Le général Kouamé Lougué se dirige vers le palais présidentiel pour s’entretenir avec le président Blaise Compaoré. A quelques centaines de mètres, son avancée a été de nouveau stoppée et il a été rejoint par le chef d’état-major particulier du président.

14h40 : Selon Maureen Grisot, envoyée spéciale de RFI à Ouagadougou, la garde présidentielle est allée au-devant du général Kouamé Lougué pour lui demander d’arrêter sa marche vers le palais de Kossyam et de laisser un dialogue s’instaurer.

14h32 : L’opposant Bénéwendé Sankara affirme à l’AFP que l’armée burkinabè s’est « soudée avec le peuple » contre le président Blaise Compaoré. Il annonce par ailleurs que des responsables de l’opposition doivent rencontrer prochainement le général en retraite Kouamé Lougué, qui a été chef d’état-major des armées et ministre de la Défense.

14h27 : Sur les réseaux sociaux, de nombreux appels sont lancés aux médecins et autres personnels soignants pour qu’ils viennent dans les cliniques et hôpitaux prendre en charge les blessés.

14h20 : Le chef d’état-major Honoré Traoré s’entretient avec la presse.

13h57 : Selon des responsables de l’opposition contactés par RFI, le président Blaise Compaoré se trouverait toujours au palais présidentiel.

13h55 : Après les militaires, une délégation de la classe politique de l’opposition est allée s’entretenir avec le Mogho Naba (l’empereur des Mossi, ethnie principale du pays) pour faire passer un message à Blaise Compaoré, lui demandant de quitter le pouvoir.

13h50 : Parmi d’autres émetteurs, celui de RFI a été coupé à Ouagadougou lors du saccage de la radio nationale. (Pour capter RFI voir notre tableau en bas de l’article)

13h48 : L’hebdomadaire Jeune Afrique annonce, sur son site internet, la fermeture de l’aéroport de Ouagadougou. Tous les vols au départ ou à l’arrivée de capitale bukinabè sont annulés.

13h15 : La France appelle au calme et à la retenue au Burkina Faso alors que les Etats-Unis font part de leur inquiétude.

12h55 : Tweet de Zéphirin Diabré, l’un des chefs de file de l’opposition : « Nous ne cautionnons pas la prise du pouvoir par la force. Nous voulons juste le respect de la démocratie ».

12h43 : Selon l’envoyé spécial de RFI à Ouagadougou, Frédéric Garat, le frère du président, François Compaoré a été arrêté à l’aéroport.

12h40 : Sur RFI, Bruno Kafondo, député UPC, parti d’opposition, raconte le moment où les manifestants sont rentrés dans l’Assemblée : « On attendait tranquillement en échangeant les uns avec les autres. Puis, les députés qui étaient de la majorité ont commencé à filer de l’Assemblée. Ils venaient d’avoir l’information que des gens étaient en train de défoncer les portes de l’Assemblée nationale. Ils sont arrivés en masse. Ils ont défoncé la balustrade centrale. Et compte tenu du fait que nous sommes des députés de l’opposition et que moi-même je suis d’un certain âge, ils ont dit ” Tonton, il n’y a pas de problèmes, venez “, et ils m’ont conduit plus loin ».

12h35 : Une question est sur toutes les lèvres : où est le président Compaoré ? Des informations contradictoires circulent alors que la foule tente toujours d’entrer à la présidence.

12h30 : En direct sur l’antenne de RFI, le correspondant à Ouagadougou fait le point sur la situation : « Les manifestants sont déterminés. Ils tentent depuis près de deux heures d’entrer dans le palais présidentiel. Il y a encore des tirs ».

12h30 : Une réunion serait en cours entre les responsables militaires et l’empereur des Mossi, l’ethnie majoritaire du pays.

12h25 : Selon un journaliste burkinabè contacté par RFI, il y a des tirs près du quartier des 1 200 logements où il y a eu un mort. Plusieurs chars ont tiré en l’air dans le quartier Ouaga 2 000 près du palais présidentiel.

12h23 : La France regroupe ses ressortissants à son ambassade de Ouagadougou.

12h20 : Zéphirin Diabré, l’un des chefs de file de l’opposition, appelle à la démission du président Blaise Compaoré.

12h00 : Autour du palais présidentiel, le face-à-face entre les forces de l’ordre et les manifestants dure depuis une heure, selon notre correspondant à Ouagadougou, Yaya Boudani.

11h50 : Un habitant de Bobo Dioulaso, contacté par RFI, confirme la situation tendue dans la ville. Des manifestations ont commencé ce matin de manière dispersée avant que des incendies n’éclatent au siège du parti au pouvoir, à la mairie et à plusieurs domiciles de responsables politiques.

11h45 : Le site d’information Burkina24 témoigne d’une situation confuse à Bobo Dioulasso, la deuxième plus grande ville du pays.

11h36 : Selon plusieurs témoignages circulant sur les réseaux sociaux, des manifestants auraient tenté d’envahir le domicile du frère du président Compaoré. Les forces de l’ordre auraient alors tiré dans la foule. Aucun bilan n’est encore disponible.

11h30 : Pour l’un des leaders de l’opposition, Bénéwendé Sankara, le président Compaoré doit « tirer les conséquences » de l’assaut contre l’Assemblée à Ouagadougou.

11h17 : Selon un journaliste de l’AFP, il y aurait un mort parmi les manifestants. Depuis quelques minutes, une information similaire circulait sur les réseaux sociaux évoquant un décès par balle dans le quartier des 1 200 logements.

11h10 : Selon des témoins sur place, des flammes s’échappent du bâtiment de l’Assemblée nationale, saccagé plus tôt dans la matinée par les manifestants.

11h00 : Frédéric Garat, envoyé spécial de RFI à Ouagadougou, évoque le saccage de l’hôtel Azalaï Indépendance par les manifestants. Désormais, les protestataires se regroupent vers le centre-ville.

10h50 : Dans un communiqué officiel, le gouvernement du Burkina Faso appelle au calme et à la retenue.

10h45 : Interrogé par RFI, le porte-parole du gouvernement, Alain-Edouard Traoré confirme l’annulation du vote du projet de loi. Un vote qui devait avoir lieu ce jeudi. Mais il ne donne aucune information sur une possible annulation du projet de loi portant sur la modification de la Constitution.

10h35 : Pour Ablassé Ouédraogo, député de l’opposition, la situation est grave : « Nous n’étions pas encore dans l’hémicycle quand l’Assemblée a été prise d’assaut. Le Burkina Faso est en train de sombrer dans le chaos. Ce n’est pas organisé et tout peut arriver. Si on nous avait écoutés, on aurait pu éviter tout cela ».

10h25: Selon le site d’information Burkina24, les locaux de la RTB-télé ont été saccagés par les manifestants et celle-ci a cessé d’émettre.

10h: La situation est extrêmement tendue devant l’Assemble nationale qui est toute enfumée. Depuis ce matin, les manifestants avaient tenté par tous les moyens d’y accéder et finalement vers 09h30 TU, ils ont réussi à pénétrer à l’intérieur de l’hémicycle. Les députés sont parvenus à s’échapper par une porte de secours se situant derrière le bâtiment du Parlement.

Sur place, les manifestants ont tout saccagé et incendié des véhicules avant de se diriger vers la télévision nationale du Burkina Faso où ils entendent faire une déclaration. Aux alentours du Parlement, il y a toujours des détonations et certains protestataires affrontent toujours les forces de l’ordre.

Les forces de sécurité du Faso, la force d’élite, ont d’abord tiré en l’air pour essayer de disperser les manifestants, mais face à leur détermination, le service de sécurité présidentielle a libéré le passage. Maintenant, ces forces de l’ordre sont du côté de la télévision nationale pour protéger le bâtiment.

Actuellement, les manifestants se sont dispersés dans la ville en scandant « Libérez Kossyam », du nom du palais présidentiel. Smokey, l’un des chefs de file du Balai citoyen, estime qu’en empêchant le vote, l’objectif du jour est atteint et n’encourage pas les manifestants à se diriger vers le palais présidentiel.

ISHYAKA ISHEMA RY URWANDA RISESEKAYE I KAMPALA: Rubyiruko nituve hasi !

Par:Nelson Ntawurineza

Bayobozi bakuru b’ Ishyaka Ishema ry’ u Rwanda,

08 Rue Charles Yvray,

France.
Impamvu: Kumenyekanisha Ikipe Ishema.
Bayobozi,

Twebwe urubyiruko rw’ abanyarwanda baba mu gihugu cya  Uganda,

(1)Nyuma yo gusesengura no kunenga imikorere mibi kandi igayitse y’ ubutegetsi bubi bwa Leta ya Kigali  iyobowe n’ umunyagitugu Paul KAGAME n’ Agatsiko-Sajya ke  kigaruriye  umutwe wa FPR-INKOTANYI, akaba ari na we mwanzi wenyine duhanganye  muri ibi bihe bikomereye abanyarwanda baba mu Rwanda no hanze yarwo;

(2)Nyuma yo kwicengezamo indangagaciro z’ Ishyaka Ishema ry’ u Rwanda ari zo: UKURI-UBUTWARI-UGUSARANGANYA;

(3)Nyuma yo kuyoboka Ishyaka Ishema ry’ u Rwanda nk’ umutwe wa Politiki uzahirika buriya butegetsi bw’ igitugu binyuze mu nzira y’ amahoro, hashingiwe gusa ku ngufu z’ubushake n’ukwiyeneza by’abenegihugu barambiwe AKARENGANE;

(4)Nyuma kandi yo kwipakurura kuri buriya butegetsi kuko twasobanukiwe neza ko  butuganisha mu isi irindimuka;

(5) Nyuma yo kwicengezamo ingengabitekerezo ya demokarasi isesuye yatwemeje bidasubirwaho ko:

*nta wavukanye imbuto; ko nta bavukiye gutegeka ngo abandi bavukire kubabera abagaragu;

*ko ubutegetsi bwose buri mu maboko ya rubanda ;

*ko natwe ubwacu dushobora kugirirwa icyizere na rubanda tugatorwamo abategetsi baharanira inyungu za rubanda;

*ko hakenewe indi “generation” nshya y’abanyapolitiki aho gukomeza kwihambira ku bitekerezo bishaje n’abategetsi bacyuye igihe;

*Ko twebwe urubyiruko ari twe tugomba kwishakamo Abalideri bazadufasha kubakira u Rwanda ejo hazaza heza kandi hanyuze abenegihugu bose;

Tubandikiye tubasaba gutangaza ku mugaragaro IKIPE ISHEMA YA KAMPALA/Uganda twatangije mu mezi ashize, ubu tukaba tubona ko imaze gushinga ibirindiro.

Nyuma yo gushiruka ubwoba, tukiyemeza kuba Abataripfana b’ Ishyaka Ishema ry’ u Rwanda no kwisuganya mu Ikipe Ishema,dutoranyije uyu NTAWURINEZA Nelson ngo ahagararire Ikipe yacu kuko tumwemeraho ubutwari, umwete,ubupfura,ubunyangamugayo no kuba atazadutenguha muri uru rugamba .

IMPAMVU TWAHISEMO ISHYAKA ISHEMA RY’ U RWANDA

Twafashe umwanya uhagije wo kumenya Ishyaka Ishema ry’ u Rwanda bityo tunyurwa n’uko rishyize imbere indangagaciro eshatu(3) ari zo: UKURI-UBUTWARI-UGUSARANGANYA.

Twakiriye neza umwimerere w’Ishyaka Ishema nk’ umutwe wa Politiki watangije uru rugamba rwo guhindura ubutegetsi binyuze mu nzira y’ amahoro kuko ari yo yonyine itazagira ingaruka mbi ku buzima no ku mibereho y’ abanyarwanda.

Natwe turashimangira ko umuco wo KWITURAMIRA  udashobora guhirika  ubutegetsi bw’ igitugu; mbese nk’ubw’ umunyagitugu Paul KAGAME.

Bityo rero duteye iyi ntambwe nk’ Abataripfana ngo dusobanurire abanyarwanda cyane cyane urubyiruko gahunda nziza Ishyaka Ishema ry’ u Rwanda ribafitiye zigamije kubakiza ingoma y’ igitugu no kwisubiza ishema ribakwiye.

Dushingiye ku KURI, tuzagaragaza ibikorwa bigayitse Leta ya Kigali ifite ibiganza bijejeta amaraso y’ abanyarwanda,yakoreye abanyarwanda  maze dusobanure gahunda nziza zinyuranye Ishyaka Ishema ry’ u  Rwanda rifitiye abanyarwanda bose kandi twiteguye gutanga ibisobanuro ku mpungenge zizagaragazwa na rubanda izaza idusanga.

Tuzagaragaza UBUTWARI dutsinda iterabwoba, twamagana ishimutwa n’ itotezwa byagizwe umuco na Leta ya Kagame , tuzafasha abanyarwanda kuva mu bwoba bityo bahagurukire guharanira ishema ryabo bambuwe. Twiyemeje kudaheranwa n’ubwoba bw’urupfu  n’izindi ngorane zose tuzi ko dushobora guhura na zo muri iyi gahunda.

Turizeza kandi abanyarwanda ko UGUSARANGANYA  ibyiza by’ igihugu ntawe uhejwe ari intego ndakuka tuzaharanira mu Ishyaka Ishema ,bityo hakosorwe umuco mubi wabaye karande mu Rwanda w’uko ibyiza byose by’igihugu byikubirwa n’agatsiko cyangwa akazu k’abanyandanini n’  abanyamaboko, ku buryo  buri munyarwanda wese azibona muri izi mpinduka duharanira.

NTAWURINEZA NELSON NI MUNTU KI?

NTAWURINEZA Nelson ni umunyarwanda ukomoka mu mudugudu wa KAMATARE,akagari ka CYIMPINDU, umurenge wa KILIMBI, akarere ka NYAMASHEKE, intara y’ UBURENGERAZUBA. Amashuri abanza yayigiye kuri E.P.CYIMPINDU(1998-2003), ayisumbuye ayigira kuri Ecole Secondaire de Tyazo(2004-2009, Tronc Commun&Option) aho yigiye ibijyanye n’ Indimi n’ Ubuvangazo(Lettres). Ubu akaba akomereje amasomo ye muri Mount Kenya University(MKU).

Imirimo yakoreye igihugu ni ukuba Umurezi muri G.S. KILIMBI (2010)no muri E.S.Tyazo (2011-2013).Nyuma yakoze muri Unicef ku KACYIRU i Kigali, Ebenezer House, 1370 Umuganda Boulevard(2013). Uyu NTAWURINEZA Nelson usigaye uba mu buhungiro mu guhugu cya Uganda kuva muri 2013, yipakuruye rugikubita ku butegetsi bw’ igitugu bwa Leta ya FPR, yanga kwitabira gahunda zose zari zigamije gutera inkunga politiki yubakiye ku gitugu, ikinyoma, ubujiji, iterabwoba, munyangire no kwikubira ibyiza byose by’ igihugu,  y’umunyagitugu Paul KAGAME n’ishyaka rye rya FPR-INKOTANYI. Ni umwe kandi mu bagerageje kurwanya ishyirwaho ry’ Ikigega cyiswe Agaciro (Agaciro Development Fund), ikigega kitagira Umucungamari (Manager)cyangwa Umugenzuzi (Auditor),  kibereyeho kunyunyuza imitsi y’ abaturage gusa, amafaranga acyinjiyemo akazimirira mu mifuka ya Paul kagame n’Agatsiko ke.

UMWANZURO

”Mwanyu ni mwa nyoko, mwa nyina w’ undi ni mwa nyiranyenga”.

Nta cyiza cyo kuba mu buhungiro ugira kandi uzi aho uvuka. Ntawe utabona neza ko abanyarwanda babayeho nk’ ihene irishiriza ku kiziriko. Twakiriye neza ko Ishyaka Ishema ry’ u Rwanda ryanze umuco wo KWITURAMIRA uhuriweho n’ abaturage benshi kimwe n’uwo kwibeshya ko waba ukoze neza mu guhihibikanira guhirika ubutegetsi bw’ igitugu unyuze mu nzira isesa andi maraso y’abanyarwanda. Dutewe ishema n’uko Ishyaka ryacu ryahisemo INZIRA Y’ AMAHORO (Lutte pour la paix par la voie de la Non-Violence Active) kugira ngo rirengere abanyarwanda rugufi.

Abanyarwanda rero cyane cyane urubyiruko rw’abahungu n’abakobwa turahamagarirwa gufata iya mbere tugatanga umuganda wacu mu rugamba rwo gusezerera ingoma y’ igitugu iyobowe na Jenerali w’umwicanyi kabuhariwe witwa Paul KAGAME. Nituve hasi dukore ibishoboka byose kuko nta wundi uzitanga mu mwanya wacu mu rugamba rwo guhindura amateka amabi n’ ameza yaturanze. NTA WUNDI UBITUBEREYEMO !

Turizera tudashidikanya ko iri shyaka Ishema ry’ u Rwanda rigiye kuba imbarutso y’ impinduramitegekere mu Rwanda no ku banyarwanda.

Ishema ni iryawe Rubyiruko.
Bikorewe i Kampala, kuwa 27 Ukwakira 2014

Mu izina ry’Ikipe Ishema ya Kampala,

NTAWURINEZA Nelson,Umuyobozi.
nelsontawurineza@gmail.com.

DUSANGIRIJAMBO : Kagame niyishyire mu mwanya w’umupfakazi,imfubyi, impunzi…. !

Par:Liturujiya

I.Isomo-fatizo : Isomo ryo mu gitabo cy’Iyimukamisiri 22, 20-26

Ntuzanyunyuze imitsi y’umusuhuke cyangwa ngo umukandamize, kuko namwe mwabaye abasuhuke mu gihugu cya Misiri.
Ntimuzagirire nabi umupfakazi cyangwa imfubyi. Numugirira nabi akantakira, nzumva amaganya ye, maze uburakari bwanjye bugurumane, mbamarire ku nkota, abagore banyu bapfakare, n’abana banyu babe imfubyi.
Niba ugurije amafeza umuntu wo mu muryango wanjye, cyane cyane umutindi muturanye, ntuzamugenzereze nk’abaharanira gukira vuba: ntuzamushakeho urwunguko.
Niba igishura cya mugenzi wawe ugitwayeho ingwate, uzakimusubize mbere y’uko izuba rirenga; kuko ari cyo kiringiti cye rukumbi, n’umwambaro yifubika. None se yaryama mu ki? Nantakambira nzamwumva, kuko jyeweho ndi umunyampuhwe.

II.Urufunguzo rudufasha kumva amasomo ya Liturjiya yo kuri iki cyumweru cya 30 gisanzwe, A.

Nka Isiraheli, kuva kera  ibihugu byose byagiraga amategeko abigenga. Twibuke ibitabo by’amategeko nk’icyari mu gihugu cya Uru Abarahamu akomokamo, cyanditswe mu mwaka w’2050 mbere ya Yezu, ndetse nigitabo cyitiriwe  Hamurabi( Code d’Hammourabi), cyanditswe mu mwaka w’1750 mbere ya Yezu.  Ikigaragara ni uko amategeko agenda ashyirwaho cyangwa akavugururwa hakurikijwe ibyifuzo bishya, ibibazo bishya…by’abenegihugu. Amategeko Musa yashyizeho mu gihe cy’urugendo rwo kuva mu gihugu cy’ubucakara(misiri) bagana igihugu cy’Ubwigenge(Kanahani), niyo yanditswe mu gitabo cy’Iyimukamisiri. Ariko yose si Musa wayanditse ahubwo yagiye avugururwa, yongerwamo andi mashya, ahuzwa n’ibihe bishya…ariko agakomeza kwitwa amategeko ya Musa. Mbese nk’uko Code penal cyangwa Code Civil byo muri iki gihe bidahwema kuvugururwa nyamara igitabo kikagumana izina ryaco.

Igishya mu mategeko ya Musa ni ikihe ?

Hari ibintu bitatu bigaragaza umwimerere w’amategeko yiswe aya Musa.

(1)Ishingiro (fondement) ry’ayo mategeko ni :  Igikorwa Imana yakoze cyo kubohoza umuryango wayo ugakurwa mu bucakara, bitewe n’uko Imana yumvise AMARIRA yawo. Buri gihe,  iyo ugutaka  k’umuryango kuzamutse kukagera mu ijuru,  Imana iramanuka  igateza impinduka igamije kuramira umuryango wayo.

(2)Icyo aya mategeko agamije: Kurengera umunyantegenke.

Imfubyi, umupfakazi, umusuhuke(impunzi), n’umukene usaba ideni cyangwa inguzanyo : ni bo bantu bafatika bari mu rwego rw’abanyantegenke Imana idashobora gutererana. Muri iki gihe umuntu yakongeraho n’imfungwa, cyane cyane izizira akarengane,….

(3)Kwishyira mu mwanya w’umunyantegeke : Kugira ngo wirinde kwica itegeko rirengera umunyantege nke, inzira yoroshye ni ukwishyira mu mwanya w’uwo munyantege nke. Ntuzanyunyuze imitsi y’umusuhuke cyangwa ngo umukandamize, kuko namwe mwabaye abasuhuke mu gihugu cya Misiri”.

Iyo wigeze gusuzugurwa mu gihe wari impunzi,wakagombye kwirinda gusuzugura impunzi no kuzigirira nabi !  Iyo uzi neza uko imfubyi cyangwa umupfakazi baba bakeneye ubufasha, wakagombye kwirinda kubarenganya ahubwo ukabangukira kubatabara.

Inyigisho  ku Banyarwanda

U Rwanda rwuzuye impfubyi, abapfakazi n’abakene . U Rwanda kandi rugwije impunzi zinyanyagiye hirya no hino mu bihugu byo ku isi ndetse no mu mashyamba ya Kongo. Iyo witegereje uko Paul Kagame n’abafasha be bafata nabi impuzi ukareba agasuzuguro bazigaragariza n’ubugome bazigirira , wibaza icyo imyaka irenga 30 mu buhungiro yabigishije!

Igisubizo baha ikibazo cy’impunzi cyo ni urukozasoni : gufata ibifaru bakajya kuzinjanjagurira mu mashyamba ya Kongo! Aho gutekereza uko impunzi zataha mu bwisanzure, ubutegetsi burohereza abarozi ngo bajye kuzitsinda mu mahanga. Aho kuganira n’abo batavuga rumwe, Kagame arabashumurira Ibinywamaraso  bikajya kubanigisha ibiziriko bikabatsinda mu mahoteli yo mu buhungiro, no kubarasa mu nda ! Muri make ntacyo ubutegetsi bwa Paul Kagame budakora ngo bubuze impunzi amahoro, buzihangayikishe, buzifungishe, buzihombye, buzicishe….

Aho Paul Kagame ajya yibuka ko Perezida Kayibanda na Perezida Habyarimana nta narimwe bigeze bafata gahunda yo kujya kurasa cyangwa kurogera impunzi iyo zahungiye ? Iyo babikora , yenda Kagame ubwe ntaba akiriho! Umugome udashishoza we yagerekaho ngo yenda iyo babikora bakamuhitana ibibazo biba ari bike !!

Umwanzuro

(1)Imigenzereze mibisha nk’iyo ingoma ya Kagame igaragariza abanyantegenke barimo impunzi, imfubyi abapfakazi n’imfungwa ntishobora kubura gukururira igihugu umuvumo : Ntimuzagirire nabi umupfakazi cyangwa imfubyi. Numugirira nabi akantakira, nzumva amaganya ye, maze uburakari bwanjye bugurumane, mbamarire ku nkota, abagore banyu bapfakare, n’abana banyu babe imfubyi”

(2)Abanyarwanda b’abanyantegenke (Abapfakazi, imfubyi, impunzi, imfungwa) bakwiye  kureka kuranganira mu mayoga n’ibindi biyobyabwenge ahubwo bakihatira gushyira ingufu mu gutakambira Imana kuko umunsi  AMARIRA yabo  yazamutse akagera mu ijuru, Uburakari bw’Imana ntibuzabura  kumanukira ku mugizi wa nabi , bukamutumura !

Nitwivugurure , dufate umwanya wo gusenga Imana, twitabire misa n’amakoraniro yo gusenga….umunsi umwe gusa mu cyumweru nituwuharira gusenga Imana, sicyo kizatuma abacuruzi bahomba !

Mbifurije mwese icyumweru cyiza,

Turusheho gusabirana,

Uwanyu, Thomas Nahimana.

TUGOMBA GUKORA IBISHOBOKA BYOSE OPOZISIYO IGAKORERA HAMWE HABA KUNEZA CYANGWA KUGAHATO

Abdallah

Akishuli Abdallah ni umuyobozi w’ Ishyaka FPP Urukatsa

Banyarwanda banyarwanda kazi,

Abenshi muri mwe mukunze kugira inama abanyamashyaka bose kugirango bahurize hamwe imbaraga zabo bityo babashe guhangana n’umwanzi ubangamiye abanyarwanda ariwe ubutegetsi bw’igitugu bwa FPR inkotanyi.

Ibyo mubigira kubera ineza mwifuriza igihugu cyanyu kugira ngo kibohoke kandi umwiryane urimbuke burundu.

Niyo mpamvu nifuje kubamenyesha ko ubutumwa bwanyu bwatugezeho kandi guhera ubu tukaba twiyemeje gukora ibishoboka byose kugirango bwumvikane hose ndetse bujye no mubikorwa byatinda byatebuka.

Ndabizi neza ko abenshi mu bazasoma iyi nyandiko bazabona ko ibyo mvuga bisa nk’inzozi ariko kandi bitinde bitebuke mfite ikizere ko nzazikabya.

Si ngombwa ko abantu baba bahuje idéologie nk’uko bamwe babivuga, icyangombwa ni uko duhuje igihugu twifuza kubohoza kandi tugomba kubanamo ntawe ukihariye kurusha undi.

Igihe kirageze rero ko twemera gufata risque tukavuga amagambo bamwe muri ba rusahurira mu nduru biganje mu mitwe inyuranye ya politiki badashaka ko avugwa kugirango bave ibuzimu bajye ibuntu.

Ni muri urwo rwego rero nsanga ari ngombwa ko dukwiye gukoresha ingamba zose zishoboka kugirango abantu bakorere hamwe baba babishaka cyangwa se batabishaka kuko bimaze kugaragara ko muri twe ntawakwifasha urugamba ngo arutsinde wenyine.

Yewe nakongeraho ko n’iyo yarutsinda aheje abandi, nabo bahindukira bakamurwanya bivuye inyuma kandi bishobora kutamugwa amahoro.

Kubera rero ko tudashaka ko igihugu cyacu gihinduka akajagari nk’ako tubona muri bimwe mubihugu by’abaturanyi, niyo mpamvu nsanga dukwiye kurenga ibidutandukanya byaba amatiku n’amazimwe, amoko, uturere, imyumvire ya politiki n’izindi nyungu zidafitiye abanyarwanda akamaro tugakora un FRONT COMMUN kandi kubigeraho ntakigoye kirimo kuko dufite impuguke nyinshi z’abanyarwanda zigaragaza ubushake bwo kubidufashamo nta kiguzi.

REVOLUTION IGOMBA GUTANGIRIRA MURI OPOZISIYO MBERE YO KUGERA MUGIHUGU BITABAYE IBYO TUZARWANA URUGAMBA RUTAGIRA IHEREZO.

Ibyo ndabivuga mbitewe n’impamvu zikurikira :

  1. Ntidushobora kugira ibyo tuvugurura mu gihugu natwe ubwacu tutarabasha kwivugurura,
  2. Ntidushobora kwigisha ubumwe mu banyarwanda natwe ubwacu byaratunaniye,
  3. Ntidushobora kwigisha kwihanganirana natwe ubwacu bitaturanga,
  4. Ntidushobora kuzaha itangazamakuru ubwisanzure tudashaka ko abantu batuvuga uko batubona,
  5. Ntidushobora kuzahoza abababaye mugihe tudashaka kumva akababaro kabo ngo ni uko natwe twababajwe,
  6. Ntidushobora gushyiraho ubutegetsi burambye (un pouvoir stable) natwe ubwacu ducagagurana buri munsi,

Niyo mpamvu nsanga gukikira amagambo avugwa agamije gukandagira ukuri ; igihe cyabyo kigomba kurangira bityo ukuri kukavugwa kwaba kurura cyangwa kutarura.

Banyarwanda banyarwandakazi

Guhera tariki ya mbere ukwakira umwaka w’1990 mu Rwanda hatangiye ibikorwa by’ubwicanyi,ibyaha by’intambara n’ibya jenoside kandi ababikoze barahari ntaho bagiye ndetse bamwe muri bo bihishe no mu mitwe ya politiki irwanya ubutegetsi buriho kimwe n’uko biganje mubutegetsi bw’ingoma y’abidishyi iyobowe na FPR.

Sinshidikanya ko hari bamwe muri abo babigizemo uruhare bashobora kuba bafite ubushake bwo kwicuza ndetse bakaba banafatanya n’abandi kwubaka igihugu bundi bushya nk’ikimenyetso cy’uko bemeye icyuhagiro, Ariko kandi ibyo bigomba gusobanuka kugirango abantu bamenye urwego babafatamo.

Njye ntawe ncira urubanza kuko si ndi urukiko ariko na none kuba bizwi ndetse n’ababivugwaho bakaba bahari ntampamvu yo kutabikomozaho kugirango abo bireba nabo uburenganzira bwabo bwubahirizwe ariko mu buryo butabangamiye inzego z’ubutabera no muburyo butadindiza ibikorwa byo kwibohoza tugamije.

Ikindi dukwiye kumenya ni uko nta muziranenge cyangwa umumalaika tuzabona ngo aze abidukorere niyo mpamvu tugomba kwimenyereza kuganira kuri izo nenge zacu (tutazigize Tabous) bityo tukiga n’uburyo twazifata cyangwa twabana nazo (comment gérer nos défauts) bitabujije ibikorwa tugamije kujya mbere.

DORE IBIGOMBA GUSOBANUKA TUDACIYE KURUHANDE KUGIRANGO IBYO BIGERWEHO:

  1. Dukeneye Umwami Kigeri wa V NDAHINDURWA ariko ntidukeneye Karinga
  2. Dukenye imbaraga za FDLR ariko ntidukeneye interahamwe zaba ziyihishemo,
  3. Dukeneye ingufu za RNC ariko ntidukeneye strategies zisa n’iza FPR kandi ntidukeneye abicanyi bayihishemo (criminels de guerre/war criminels)
  4. Dukeneye RDI Rwanda rwiza ya Faustin TWAGIRAMUNGU kubera sa taille politique au niveau international ariko ntidukeneye igitugu n’ubuhubutsi bye,
  5. Dukeneye PDR Ihumure ya RUSESABAGINA kubera izina yubatse akoresheje filme na fondation ye ariko ntidukeneye ko atwumvisha ko ariwe abanyamerika bashaka,
  6. Dukeneye MRP Abasangizi ya Dr Anastase GASANA kubera ko azi kwiga ingamba ariko ntidukeneye ko atwigira nk’izo yigiye MRND na FPR,
  7. Dukeneye FDU Inkingi ariko ntidukeneye umwiryane wayo,
  8. Dukeneye PS- Imberakuri ya NTAGANDA na BAKUNZIBAKE bombi bashyizehamwe
  9. Dukeneye MRP ya Bonaventure na RUKERANTARE ariko ntidushaka politique nostalgique du MRND
  10. Dukeneye CNR-Intwari ya Gén HABYARIMANA Emmanuel ashyize hamwe na RWAKA kugirango umwiryane wabo utatudindiza.
  11. Dukeneye ishyaka BANYARWANDA ariko umuyobozi waryo akabanza agaca muri santé mental yamara gukira akaza agafatanya n’abandi urugamba
  12. Dukeneye ishyaka RPP imvura rya John V KARURANGA
  13. Dukeneye Ishyaka AMAHORO Peace rya Gallican GASANA kubera amaraso mashyashya arirangwamo,
  14. Dukeneye PDP Imanzi kubera ubushishozi buyiranga no kubera Ubutwari n’ubunyangamugayo bya Déo MUSHAYIDI wayishinze,
  15. Dukeneye amaraso mashyashya arangwa muri RDU ya Dr Paulin MURAYI ariko nabo bagasasa inzobe n’umunyamuryango wabo MANZI
  16. Dukeneye ishyaka ISHEMA kubera imbaraga na détermination rigaragaza,
  17. Dukeye UDFR ihamye kubera umurongo waryo wa fédéralisme wo guhuza abanyarwanda
  18. Dukeneye Isangano ARRDC kubera imbaraga z’ibitekerezo rigaragaza
  19. Dukeneye FPP-Urukatsa kubera Determination extreme yaryo.
  20. Dukeneye ODR ya Ambasadeur MUNYESHYAKA
  21. Dukeneye RUD- Urunana ariko ntidukeneye politique Habyarimaniste
  22. Dukeneye Inama z’abagabo nka MATATA na NDAGIJIMANA Jean Marie Vianney kubera ubwitange n’ubushake bagaragaza mubikorwa bya société civile
  23. Dukeneye Ubwitange bwa SIMEON wo ku ijwi rya rubanda ariko ntidukeneye ubuhezanguni n’ubushizi bw’isoni bye.
  24. Dukeneye abanyamuryango ba FPR bayibamo kubera kubura uko bagira babitewe n’ubwoba baterwa n’igitugu cya Kagame.
  25. Dukeneye n’abandi benshi ntarondoye ariko bagira icyo bamarira inkubiri ya demokarasi twiyemeje guharanira biganjemo abagaragaje ubutwari bwo gutanga ubuhamya ku bwicanyi bwa FPR.

Sinshidikanya ko bamwe mu basomyi bashobora kuvuga ko hari ibitajyanye kubera ko wenda buri wese yavuga ko hari inenge zibasiye benshi muri twe zatuma uko gushyira hamwe kudashoboka. Nibyo koko twese dufite byinshi tuvugwaho kandi ababivuga bakemeza ko ibyo bavuga babifitiye gihamya mugihe ababivugwaho babihakana.

Nanjye nkaba nabibariza nti: none se nitutegerana izo nenge tuzazivurana dute ngo amazimwe acike?

Tugomba gutinyuka tukabwira imbonankubone abakekawaho ibyaha by’intambara n’ibya jenoside ko kubahishira bingana no gutesha agaciro ibyaha byakozwe na FPR. Bityo bakemera bikaganirwaho bigafatirwa umwanzuro ubereye bose tugatera indi ntambwe igamije kureba imbere no kubaka.

Ni ngomba ko bamenya ko uhitwa adafata uruka bishaka kuvuga ko umwicanyi wo muri opozisiyo nta budahangarwa arusha umwicanyi wo muri FPR/APR/RDF

Ni ngombwa ko GUSASA INZOBE cyangwa se INAMA RUKOKOMA bihera mumashyaka ya opozisiyo bityo imiti tuzavanamo ikatubera experience izadufasha kugangahura igihugu cyacu.

Tugomba gutinyuka tugahangara imbona nkubone abo twita ibirura,abagambanyi n’izindi nyito, impamvu ari uko tubibona kandi ibyo tukabikora turebana mumaso kugirango abo bivugwaho n’abanywanyi babo batabyita amazimwe, gusebanya cyangwa se ngo ni mission y’inkotanyi.

Tugomba kwegera abavandimwe bacu tubonamo ibisazi tukabafasha kwivuza kuko ibisazi bifata ukwinshi.

Tugomba kwegera abo tubonamo uburyarya no kurimanganya tukababwira ko bakwiye kwihana byabananira bagahinduka ibicibwa mu muryango.

Tugomba kwegera abo dukeka ko ari ba maneko kugirango tubashe kubona gihamya z’ibyo tubakekaho ( iyo ushaka gutsinda umwanzi ntumuhunga)

Umwanzuro

Bavandimwe banyapolitiki dusangiye intego! Baca umugani mu Kinyarwanda ngo“Uwo uzaheka ntumwisha urume”.

Ndababwiza ukuri ko mwabishaka mutabishaka, byatinda byatebuka, amaherezo muzakorera hamwe.

Nibitabaturukamo bizaturuka ku baterankunga banyu, nibidaturuka aho hombi bizaturuka ku kaga muzahura nako.

Aho gutegereza ko birinda guca aho hose rero njye nabagira inama yo kuva muri utwo dutiku twanyu tubabuza kwegerana niba koko mu gamije inyungu z’abanyarwanda.

Ndasaba by’umwihariko abanyarwanda bashyigikiye iki gitekerezo baba abanyapolitiki cyangwa se abantu kugiti cyabo cyangwa se urubyiruko, ko twakwegerana tugashyiraho umuyoboro wo kwigiramo ingamba zatuma uko kwishyira hamwe kujya mu bikorwa.

Si ngombwa ko ku ikubitiro rya mbere byitabirwa na benshi cyangwa se na bose kuko tuzi twese ko n’umuryango w’ubumwe bw’iburayi watangijwe n’ibihugu bitatu (3) gusa mu ihuriro bari bise BENELUX none ubu ukaba ubaye ubukombe.

Tugomba kwirinda kugira uwo duheza kabone n’iyo twaba tumubonaho inenge nk’uko bamwe babigenje bwacya bikabashwanyunukana.

Uzashaka kwiheza bizamuturukeho ariko bidaturutse kubazabitegura.

Ndabashimiye mwese uko muzakira iki gitekerezo

Bikorewe I Paris mu bufaransa

Kuwa 22 Ukwakira 2014

AKISHULI ABDALLAH

Uwifuza kunyunganira yanyandikira kuri: Abdallah.akishuli@yahoo.com

Cyangwa akampamagara kuri (+33)758173072

Intore zaherekeje Kagame i Londres zafatanywe ibyuma

images (1)

Koko ngo ingeso ntiyihishira, ubwicanyi bwa Kagame ntashobora kubu camoufla.

Bamwe mu bantu  Kagame yitwaje ngo bamushyigikire i Londres bagaragaze ko bamukunze bari bitwaje intwaro zitandukanye. Uretse uburozi busanzwe bugendanwa n’Intore noneho izi zafatiwe mu cyuho zifite ibyuma by’ubwoko butandukanye. Ibi bikaba bibujijwe n’itegeko. Aba basore batanu bafashwe, batahuwe n’Abanyecongo bo bigaragambyaga bavuga ko Kagame nk’umuntu w’umwicanyi adakwiye kwakirwa mu Bwongereza.

Abanyecongo bahise batabaza polisi na yo ihasesekara bidatinze ikora isaka ryaje kugaragaza koko ko aba basore bari bitwaje ibyuma, Polisi ni ko kubashyiramo amapingu ibajyana kubakoraho iperereza.Iki ni ikindi kimenyetso cy’uko Kagame kuba umwicanyi ntacyo bimubwiye.

Nimurebe iyo video

United States Deeply Concerned by DRC’s Expulsion of MONUSCO Human Rights Officer

Press Statement

Marie Harf
Deputy Department Spokesperson, Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
October 20, 2014

The United States is deeply concerned by the decision of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Government to expel the Director of the United Nations Joint Human Rights Office (UNJHRO) in the DRC because of a report the UNJHRO released alleging serious violations by some members of the DRC security forces that resulted in 9 deaths and 32 enforced disappearances. We strongly urge the DRC Government to reverse its decision.

The United Nations plays a vital role in contributing to the security and well-being of the Congolese people, including through MONUSCO, its humanitarian operations, and its support for good governance, democracy, and human rights. MONUSCO is specifically mandated by the UN Security Council to prepare regular reports on the status of human rights in the DRC. The United States reaffirms its strong support for the work of the UN and its commitment to fight against impunity for violations of human rights.

We urge the DRC Government to investigate the allegations of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances by some members of its security forces highlighted in the UNJHRO report and to hold those responsible to account.

Source: US Department of State

Rwanda: kugarika ingogo birakomeje hagamijwe gukaza Iterabwoba

Mu masaha ya nyuma ya saa sita z’amanywa zo kuri uyu wa Gatanu tariki ya 17 Ukwakira i Nyabugogo umupolisi yarashe umuntu usanzwe ukora ubucuruzi buzwi izina ry’ubuzunguzajyi ahita apfa.

Amakuru agera k’umuryango.rw, avuga ko uyu mupolisi yabanje guhangana n’umugore ucuruza agataro ubwo yari amufashe, nyuma hakaza umusore nawe aje gufasha uyu mugore ngo barwanye umupolisi hakaziraho n’abandi bakora ubwo bucuruzi aribwo umupolisi bamukubitaga hasi nawe mu mu kwirwanaho agahita arasa uyu musore amasasu atatu aho yahise ashiramo umwuka.

Kugeza ubu uwarashwe abakorera Nyabugogo twaganiriye batubwiye ko izina rye basanzwe ari Nyinya.

Umuvugizi wa polisi mu Mujyi wa Kigali, Supt. Mbabazi Modeste nawe yemeje aya makuru y’iraswa ry’uriya muntu ariko yirinda kugira byinshi avugaho kuko ngo yari agishakisha amakuru arambuye kuri kiriya gikorwa.

Igkorwa cyo kurwanya abakora ubucuruzi bwo kuzengurukana ibintu ku mihanda ndetse no muri gare gikunze gushyamiranya abagikora n’abakora ubu bucuruzi aho usanga bose baba bacungana ku jijsho ndetse akenshi abakora ubu bucuruzi ugasanga batumva impamvu Leta ibabuza kubukora ah obo babona nk’igikorwa kigamije kubangamira ubuzima bwabo.

N’ubwo ibi byabagaho ariko, ntago byageraga ku rwego rw’uko hagira uhasiga ubuzima azize amasasu.

Inkuru dukesha Umuryango.rw

David Cameron making ‘historic’ mistake over EU, says José Manuel Barroso

The UK prime minister plans to impose restrictions on the free movement of citizens from EU member states.
David Cameron, Jose Manuel Barroso
Outgoing European commission president José Manuel Barroso is warning David Cameron against taking a defensive stance over the EU. Photograph: Yves Logghe/AP

David Cameron is making a “historic mistake” by adopting a defensive approach towards the EU which risks increasing the chances of a British exit, the outgoing European commission president José Manuel Barroso will warn on Monday.

In the strongest attack by Brussels on the Conservatives over their handling of the EU, Barroso will say that the prime minister’s plan to impose an “arbitrary cap” on immigrants from eastern Europe is contrary to EU law and will alienate Britain’s natural allies.

Barroso, the most anglophile commission president of the last 30 years, will give vent to deep frustration at British tactics when he takes the highly unusual step of venturing into internal UK affairs by warning that the Tories should learn from the Scottish referendum and not wait until the final days to make a positive case.

In a speech at Chatham House on Monday, Barroso will sweep aside his usual diplomatic language to say: “My experience is that you can never win a debate from the defensive. We saw in Scotland that you actually need to go out and make the positive case. In the same way, if you support continued membership of the EU you need to say what Europe stands for and why it is in the British interest to be part of it.

“And you need to start making that positive case well in advance, because if people read only negative and often false portrayals in their newspapers from Monday to Saturday, you cannot expect them to nail the European flag on their front door on Sunday just because the political establishment tells them it is the right thing to do.”

The intervention by Barroso, a month before he stands down after a decade as president of the commission, comes amid deep frustration among EU leaders about the way in which Cameron is hardening his approach to the EU in response to Ukip. Barroso was privately appalled when Philip Hammond, the foreign secretary who is meant to be drumming up support for Britain’s EU reform plans across Europe, told MPs on Friday that Tory plans for an in/out referendum amounted to “lighting a fire” under the EU.

The prime minister, who initially instructed his MPs to vote against an in/out referendum before changing his mind in 2012, is embarking on a fresh change of heart as he plans to impose restrictions on the free movement of citizens from EU member states. The prime minister had said the restrictions would be limited to cracking down on benefit tourism.

But the Sunday Times reported that Cameron is planning to cap the number of national insurance numbers issued to EU immigrants with low skills. This would hit the 11 eastern European states that have joined since 2004. National insurance numbers could be issued for a limited period to ensure the prime minister delivers on his pledge to reduce net migration to the tens of thousands.

Grant Shapps, the Tory chairman, told The World This Weekend on BBC Radio 4: “We cannot have an open-ended situation where people are able to always come to Britain in such a lop-sided arrangement.”

Barroso said that Cameron’s proposal would fall foul of EU law which guarantees the free movement of people. The Lisbon treaty of 2007 echoed the EEC’s founding 1957 treaty of Rome as it said “the free movement of persons is ensured”.

The commission president will say that the way in which the Tories have singled out the Poles, whose citizens have travelled to Britain in record numbers over the last decade, is self-defeating.

“It is an illusion to believe that space for dialogue can be created if the tone and substance of the arguments you put forward question the very principle at stake and offend fellow member states. It would be an historic mistake if on these issues Britain were to continue to alienate its natural allies in central and eastern Europe, when you were one of the strongest advocates for their accession.”

Barroso’s remarks are intended to highlight how Cameron is complicating the only route to achieve his goals – amending the Lisbon treaty which has to be approved by all 28 EU member states. He will draw a second parallel with the Scottish referendum as he reminds his audience that he said that Alex Salmond would have faced an immense challenge in negotiating EU membership.

“I created waves in February when asked about the possibility of regions leaving member states, as I pointed out that negotiating an accession treaty is no easy feat. Negotiating any major constitutional change is difficult and very risky. And the uncertainty it creates has a direct and immediate upstream impact on confidence, including the investment decisions of industry.”

Witold Sobków, the Polish ambassador to the UK, indicated that Warsaw would veto any proposal to amend the Lisbon treaty to limit free movement. Sobków told The World This Weekend: “We want the UK to remain in the EU so we will do our best to help the British government introduce some reforms in the functioning of the EU, enabling the UK to remain in the EU… [But] free movement of people is a fundamental freedom of the EU. So there are some things we can do and some things that we shouldn’t do.”

Nigel Farage said that Cameron was seeking to impose a limit on free movement because he is “terrified of Ukip”. The Ukip leader told the BBC: “I don’t often agree with Barroso. But what the prime minister is saying about limiting the number of EU migrants that come to Britain is simply untrue. He is doing it for political reasons because he is terrified of Ukip.”

Barroso will tease Farage by highlighting their contrasting tastes in alcohol to show how different nation states can work harmoniously in the EU. He will say: “For me the answer is a resolute no. I may prefer a glass or two of good red wine than a pint of beer when I am out on the election trail. But I too come from a country with a long history, a trading nation, proud of its culture and tradition. And it may be a revelation to some, but the vast majority of people living in Europe are also rather attached to their national identity – however they may choose to define it.”

Source: The Guardian, October 20th, 2014

Prof Charles Kambanda lambasts claims by Melvern et al. over BBC’s “Rwanda: untold story”

Charles Kambanda

Professor Charles Kambanda would love to take on Ms. Melvern et al. in an open debate over issues raised on the documentary “RWANDA: UNTOLD STORY”.

October, 15th, 2014

RE: MY ANALYSIS OF Ms. MELVERN, THE THIRTY-EIGHT RESEARCHERS AND JOUNALISTS’ REBUTTAL OF RWANDA’S UNTOLD STORY BBC DOCUMENTARY:

Introduction:

I am writing to you as a Rwandan researcher, human rights defender and an Officer of Court in New York State; I am bound by the Constitutional Oath of Office. I taught at the National University and other institutions of higher learning in Rwanda for over a decade after the 1994 massacres. I am writing from my firsthand and lived experience of the unfortunate Hutu/Tutsi conflict. I am a Rwandan who was born to a Rwandan refugee family in Uganda. I supported RPF before, during and after the 1990 war. Like many other Rwandans, I lost countless family relations to the massacres in Rwanda. I am a Rwandan scholar – based in the United States of America – who is interested in sustainable peace and co-existence between and/or among the diverse people of Rwanda. I belong to no Rwandan political party. It is my submission that no side to the insane Tutsi vs. Hutu conflict is exclusively for victims or perpetrators of the senseless crimes that have characterized these two, generally, hostile groups. Both sides to the armed conflict committed horrible massacres before, during and after the 1994 massacres.

Accept my heartfelt gratitude and respect for the BBC team that prepared the famous Rwanda’s Untold Story documentary. The BBC team that worked on this documentary did a tremendous job documenting the background and the intricate web of the crimes both sides allegedly committed during, before and after the 1994 horrific massacres. What your team did is investigative journalism; Descartes (the great French philosopher) called it the Methodical doubt. In the Holy Scriptures, Jesus Christ says “the Truth will set us free”. The producer of the documentary dug deep into the truth which different parties to the Rwandan conflict do not want the world to know because that truth will set people free. The BBC, as an institution, deserves credit for the great film. It is my submission that Ms. Melvern and her group’s “rebuttal” of the BBC documentary should be treated with the contempt it deserves.

A. Inquiry into the causes, manner, perpetrators and victims of the long and bloody Hutu vs. Tutsi conflict in Burundi and Rwanda before, during and after the 1994 massacres in Rwanda is not a closed chapter as Ms. Melvern’s missive appears to suggest.

The 1994 massacres occurred within the context of a bloody ethnic civil war between the Hutu (a Hutu dominated government) and Tutsi (Tutsi dominated rebels). There are well documented ethnic based massacres between the Hutu and Tutsi before and after the 1994 massacres. The well documented Tutsi/Hutu massacres include:

(i) The 1993 Burundian massacres where the Tutsi butchered the Hutu.

(ii) The Gersony, UNCHR sponsored report which detailed the insane massacred RPF /A perpetrated against the Hutu under the then Tutsi rebels held territory.

(iii) RPF/A (predominantly Tutsi) slaughter of internally displaced Hutu refugees camp.

(iv) Some Tutsi and some Hutu militia on-slaughter of the Tutsi and the Hutu during the 1994 massacres.

(v) RPF/A slaughter of the Hutu in Congo (both native DRC Hutu and Rwandan Hutu refugees as documented by the UN Mapping Report).

Investigating the similarities and differences between these reoccurring insane massacres between the Hutu and Tutsi without favor is, in my opinion, not only necessary but also a noble cause. The documentary does exactly that. Apparently, any objective inquiry into these crimes is what Ms. Melvern and her group of journalists and researchers call “[using] current events to either negate or to diminish the genocide… to promote genocide denial”. All the above well documented crimes, committed by the same people against the same people in different places and time, create an unequivocal need for social research. Social research is a continuum. Unfortunately, Ms. Melvern and her group appear to suggest that their research finding on these complex social political phenomena in the Hutu vs. Tutsi conflict is conclusive.

B. Ms. Melvern and her team resort to name calling instead of addressing the substantive issues the interviewees, individually, and the entire documentary raised. In most instances, Ms. Melvern and her group do not substantiate their generalized attacks on the individual interviewees, the BBC and the documentary producers

Ms. Melvern and her group characterize the BBC documentary as “old claims […] similar material using similar language [that is] part of an on-going Hutu power campaign of genocide denial”. This is an absurd approach especially for social science researchers and journalists for various reasons:

(i) The BBC documentary, as the title of the documentary suggests, was intended to interview different people with rarely mentioned personal experience of what happened in Rwanda during, before and after the 1994 massacres. Such statements must be as old as the events the statements describe if those statements are proper representation of what happened. Therefore, whether those statements are “old claims” is a tautology. How would statements explaining what happened 20 or so years ago be “brand-new” statements for every BBC viewer of the program?

(ii) Ms. Melvern and her group deliberately apply “Hutu power”, term with no known definition to confuse their readers. What’s Hutu power? What is the composition of Hutu power? Where is Hutu power? Research methodology and formal logic prohibit use of unknown and undefined terms for any purpose, especially while addressing critical social problems.

Ms. Melvern and her group of journalists and researchers claim that “the parts of the film which concern the 1994 genocide, far from providing BBC viewers with an ‘Untold Story’ as the title promises, are old claims”. This is a serious allegation against the BBC “on behalf of BBC viewers”. This allegation implies that Ms. Melvern and her group met “BBC viewers” and Ms. Melvern and her group are authorized agents of the “BBC viewers” to complain to the BBC on behalf of what Ms. Melvern calls the BBC viewers. Is Ms. Melvern or any individual signatory to their letter the “BBC viewers” and so the signatory are complaining to the BBC for having viewed “old claims”? Are these researchers who signed the letter presenting their perception of the BBC documentary as “old claims”? Is Ms. Melvern presenting “some” or “all” BBC viewers’ perception of documentary? Did Ms. Melvern and the researchers who signed the letter purposively fail to distribute their term “BBC viewers” properly? Is Ms. Melvern unfamiliar with the rules on distribution of terms? Why didn’t they distribute their term “BBC viewers” so that the readers know, with substantial certainty, the scope of the “BBC viewers” these researchers are referring to?

Ms. Melvern and her group argue that “at the heart of this [Hutu power] campaign are convicted génocidaires, some of their defen[s]e lawyers from the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), and their supporters and collaborators … like the programme … The BBC programme Rwanda’s Untold Story recycles their arguments and provides them with another platform to create doubt and confusion about what really happened”. This is absurd ad hominem because:

(i) A reasonable person would not confuse the person, ideas and research, of defense counsel with the client’s real or alleged crimes. Ms. Melvern and her fellow researchers appear to impute the ICTR “convicted genocidaire” some ICTR defense counsels.

(ii) Carl Del Ponte, the former ICTR prosecutor, Michael Hourigan who was an investigator and prosecutor at ICTR, among others scholars wrote widely about the ICTR’s cover up of the RPA/F crimes during the 1994 massacres.

(iii) Ms. Melvern and her group know or they should know for sure, that the BBC documentary producer did not interview any ICTR convict. How do the distinguished researchers, who signed the letter, relate the BBC documentary interviewees’ testimony with ICTR “convicted genocidaires”?

(iv) Courtesy and common sense requires Ms. Melvern and her group to explain how the ICTR “convicted genocidaires” exercised undue influence and pressure over the documentary interviewees. Is it rational that the ICTR “convicted genocidaires”, as Ms. Melvern and the group put it, would influence a significant number of society as to form what Ms. Melvern appears to call a global campaign of supporters and collaborators to create doubts and confusion about what happened?

(v) The documentary producer interviewed Rwandans and other nationals. Some of the interviewees are Tutsi and former RPF/A members. How did the ICTR “convicted genocidaires” recruit these Tutsi 1990/1994 war opponents into supporters and collaborators? Aren’t Ms. Melvern and her group oversimplifying very complex issues under cover over of their deliberate ad hominem?

(vi) The documentary features prominent non-Rwandan scholars and legal practitioners. Ms. Melvern and her group conveniently dismiss all these prominent professionals’ views under a terribly sweeping statement “all of those professionals are supporters and collaborators of the ICTR convicted genocidaire”. Ordinarily, social researchers and journalists avoid sweeping statements. How do the “convicted genocidaire” influence a cross section of people – including prominent professionals like lawyers and academics the documentary producers interviewed?

C. What Ms. Melvern and her group calls the three lies of the documentary are real controversies among Rwandans and social science researchers. These contentious issues are proper subject matter for social research and investigative journalism.

Ms. Melvern and her group cite what they call lies in the BBC Documentary as “[…] lie about the true nature of the Hutu Power militia […] an attempt to minimize the number of Tutsi murdered in the genocide, […] an effort to place the blame for shooting down President Habyarimana’s plane on April 6, 1994 on the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)”. Each of the three accusations, which Ms. Melvern and her group call “BBC Documentary lies”, deserves thorough analysis for validity and truth.

1. On the true nature of the Hutu power militia

Ms. Melvern and her groups argue that “the BBC documentary allows a witness to claim that ‘only ten percent of the Interahamwe (militia) were killers. In fact, the majority of Hutu Power militia forces – estimated to have been 30,000 strong – were trained specifically to kill Tutsi at speed, and indoctrinated in a racist ideology, part of genocide planning. There is eyewitness testimony by several militia leaders who cooperated with the ICTR”.

First, it is absurd to discredit the entire documentary or issue therein because “one of the interviewees made a mistake in [his] quantitative estimation” of the internahamwe who allegedly perpetrated the massacres. Interestingly, Ms Melvern protests the BBC interviewee’s estimation of the number of the Interahamwe by introducing her own estimation about the number of the internahamwe. Why does Ms. Melvern want her readers to believe her estimates, not the BBC interviewee’s estimations of the interahamwe numbers? Second, Ms. Melvern and her group miss on some important facts about the militia, including the internahame, some of who committed the horrible massacres.

(i) It is wrong to think that all interahamwe were Hutu. Some interahamwe were Tutsi. Referring to all interahamwe as Hutu militia is a misstatement of fact. The interahamwe boss in charge of recruitment and politics – Robert Kajuga – was Tutis and so were a significant number of the interahamwe

(ii) When Rwanda embraced multiparty politics in 1991, each political party had its own “Youth Wing to animate party meetings, organize and mobilize for the party. MRND (the then ruling party’s Youth Wing was called Interahamwe. PSD (another political party) had Abakombozi as its Youth Wing. MDR’s Youth Wing was called Inkuba. PL’s Youth Wing was called Jeunes liberaux. As the war and party politics progressed, each Rwandan community -including political parties and their youth wings – developed “radical groups”.

(iii) There is overwhelming evidence that some members of each political youth wing/militia participated in the 1994 massacres and that each political party militia was hostile against others. Reducing these militia groups to “Hutu militia” is distortion of facts.

(iv) There is proof of, and the type of war RPA/F was engaged in against the then government dictate that, RPA/F cadres infiltrated all political parties’ militia as early as 1991. Probably, some of these RPA/F infiltrators engaged in the 1994 massacres.

(v) There is sufficient evidence that by the time of the 1994 massacres, all political parties of that time, including RPF, had some ‘radicalized’ members and militia. Therefore, simplifying the phenomenon of who killed who during such circumstance, like Ms. Melvern appears to suggest, is inconsistent with qualitative research approach.

2. Ms. Melvern and her group’s argument on Rwanda’s population statistics before the 1994 massacres is false and invalid. Ms. Melvern and her group use inadmissible evidence to support their argument

Ms. Melvern and her group argue that “the programme [the BBC documentary] attempts to minimize the number of Tutsi murdered, a typical tactic of genocide deniers. The false figures cited are provided by two US academics who worked for a team of lawyers defending the génocidaires at the ICTR. They even claim that in 1994 more Hutu than Tutsi were murdered – an absurd suggestion and contrary to all the widely available research [reports]”.

Inconsistent statistics argument:

Ms. Melvern and her group know or should know that the entire post-independence Rwandan population census reports indicated the ethnic and religious affiliation of each Rwandan. The last population census before the 1994 massacres took place in 1991. The 1991 Rwanda population census indicate that the total population was 6.2 million people; 14% Tutsi, 84% Hutu and 1% Twa and others. No post-independence Rwandan population census report had bigger figures than the 1991 population census report. However, after the 1994 massacres, the total number of the people butchered is put at 1.3 million people – in any case, well above 1 million people were brutality butchered. The number of Tutsi survivors of the massacres stood at around 350,000 people. The proper equation, for purposes of determining the number of the Tutsi who died during the1994 massacres should be: 14% of the total population – (minus) the total number of Tutsi survivors of the massacres.

For unknown reasons, Ms. Melvern wants her audience to rely on reports and/or stories, made/told after the 1994 massacres, to ascertain the country’s population’s statistics before 1994. The only proper authority when in issue is the population statistic of a country, is that country’s population census. How does the world end up with over one million Tutsi dead and about 350,000 Tutsi survivors yet the Tutsi were only 14% of a population of 6.2 million people? Even if all the 14% Tutsi had been killed, it was impossible to have the over 1 million human skulls “Tutsi victims” that are paraded in genocide memorial centers. Is it possible that the Hutu set out to exterminate the Tutsi but they ended up killing themselves more than they killed their “target”, the Tutsi? Seeking for answers to such clear statistical inconsistences is called “genocide denial” in Ms. Melvern and his fellow researchers’ world. Ms. Melvern and her group are determined to push all these inconsistences down their readers’ throat because “some reports say so”. This, in my considered view, is undermining human intelligibility.

Ms. Melvern and her group should inquire, from the government of Rwanda, about the 2004/2005 household-to-household nationwide survey of the Tutsi who died during the massacres. Why did the government of Rwanda and donors invest so much money in a survey whose findings were never made public? Who had interest in not publishing that survey? Wouldn’t have made a good argument for Kagame, who has paraded human skulls for tourists throughout the country, to show a breakdown of village by village Tutsi who died during the massacres? Interestingly, every apart of Rwanda has skulls of the 1994 massacres victims. However, by April 1994 when the massacres started, RPF had significant territory under their control. How did the “Hutu” penetrate RPA/F held territory to massacre the “Tutsi”? Why there isn’t any District in Rwanda without the 1994 massacres victim skulls yet a significant chunk of Rwandan territory was under RPF control? Inquiring into these and other critical questions is what Ms. Melvern calls “genocide denial” in Ms. Melvern’s world. Ridiculous

3. Ms. Melvern and her group twist facts about shooting down the plane of the then Hutu president, which is widely believed to have triggered the 1994 massacres

Ms. Melvern and her group claim that the BBC film “argues that the shooting down of the plane on April 6, 1994 was perpetrated by the RPF. This same story was promoted by Hutu Power extremists within a few hours of the president’s assassination and promoted ever since by génocidaires and a few ICTR defense lawyers. The film pays no heed to a detailed expert report published in January 2012 by a French magistrate Judge Marc Trévidic. This contains evidence from French experts, including crash investigators, who proved scientifically that the missiles that shot down the plane came from the confines of the government-run barracks in Kanombe on the airport’s perimeter – one of the most fortified places in the country, and where it would have been impossible for the RPF, armed with a missile, to penetrate”. This argument is a deliberate set of twisted facts and lies that the journalists and researchers cannot have appended their signature to naked lies if their motive had been justice, fairness and good faith rebuttal of the BBC documentary. The following are the nasty twisted facts and lies in Ms. Melvern’s argument “shooting down the president’s plane”:

(i) Ms. Melvern and her group know or should know that shooting down President Habyarimana’s plane is the legal and proximate cause of the 1994 massacres in Rwanda. Shooting down of the plane has been investigated by two distinct and separate courts; the French and Spanish courts. Both courts indicted and issued arrest warrants for Kagame and his top RPF commanders for their alleged criminal responsibility for shooting down the plane. Unfortunately, Ms. Melvern appears to argue that the ICTR “convicted genocidaires” and some of the ICTR defense attorneys “influenced” both the French and Spanish court to indict and issue arrest warrants for Kagame and his former bush war top commanders. Really!

(ii) Ms. Melvern and her group do not inform their readers that the ICTR former prosecutor carried out thorough investigations into Kagame and his then rebel leaders’ role in the massacres. The ICTR prosecutor was ready to prosecute Kagame and his fighters who allegedly committed crimes under the ICTR jurisdiction; war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. Shooting down the plane was part of the charges against Kagame and his then rebel fighters. Instead of accepting to face justice at the ICTR, Kagame rushed to President Bush for “rescue”. President Bush ordered the then ICTR prosecutor – Carl Del Ponte – to desist prosecuting Kagame and his former rebel fighters because Kagame is a USA ‘ally’. The prosecutor chose to resign than compromising our professional ethnics because selective justice is not justice. These facts are well documented.

(iii) The French court indicted, and/or issued arrest warrants for, Kagame and his top rebel commanders for the shooting down of the plane. Ms. Melvern and her friends know or should know that a court decision is not overturned by a mere report of experts. A court decision is overturned by another superior court’s decision in form of an appeal or the same court’s review of its decision. Ms. Melvern knows or should know that the French Court indictments and/or arrest warrants for Kagame and his alleged partners-in-crime are on file. It is absurd that Ms. Melvern and her group seek to abuse the purpose and character of expert reports the way they use Judge Marc Trévidic report in their argument. In any case, the French Court has not pronounced itself on the experts’ report Ms. Melvern and her group uses for their argument. This is academic dishonesty of the highest order.

(iv) Ms. Melvern and her group appear to ignore the fact that the BBC documentary features some of Kagame’s former top rebel commanders who testify that Kagame ordered the shooting of the plane. These former top rebel commanders’ testimony is admissible evidence in courts of law; it is an “admission”. Some of the former RPA/F top leaders who testified in the documentary are Tutsi and they incriminate themselves. Linda and her fellow researchers should have analyzed these central facts before dismissing the BBC Documentary as “lies”. It is true these former rebels’ testimony may be subject to impeachment for bias. However, since we are not in court yet – and it is court’s exclusive powers to conclude on whether or not a witness is biased against the accused – Ms. Melvern and her group cannot sweep these former RPA/F top leaders’ testimony under the carpet. In any case, Melvern and a significant number of the signatories to the letter can also be impeached for bias in favor of Kagame because of their constant, sometimes bordering with insanity, defense for Kagame at all costs, including telling lies for that purpose. Whatever the case, the BBC is not reasonably expected to go into the intricate law of evidence on impeachment of witnesses’ rules before selecting their interviewees.

D. Ms. Melvern and her group are determined to present evidence of “planning genocide” to BBC yet; the ICTR prosecutor needed, but failed to get, sufficient evidence to prove “planning” the 1994 massacres with intent to destroy the Tutsi in whole or part.

Ms. Melvern and her group give an impression that they have, and are presenting, evidence of “ genocide planning” yet in the famous Military 1 and Military 11 which prosecuted all the top military and national security officials found that all that evidence did not prove “ planning” genocide. The ICTR indictments of all the accused in Military 1 and Military 11 alleged that the accused had pre-made lists of the Tutsi to be killed, the accused had a well laid strategy to exterminate the Tutsi and that the accused had trained and distributed militia to perpetrate the Tutsi genocide. There was no evidence at the ICTR to prove these allegations and court acquitted all the accused on genocide account. Unfortunately, Ms. Melvern recycles these allegations, which the ICTR examined and found baseless, for her argument to attack the BBC documentary. If Ms. Melvern had the evidence she claims to prove that the Hutu “planned” the genocide, why didn’t Ms. Melvern take her evidence to the ICTR in the Military 1 and Military 11 which examined ‘planning’ the genocide allegation?

Ms. Melvern and her team, fallaciously, argue that “Jane Corbin, who presented the programme, even tries to raise doubts about whether or not the RPF stopped the genocide. The authority on this subject is Lt.-General Roméo Dallaire … Dallaire is categorical. ‘The genocide was stopped because the RPF won and stopped it’”. Ms. Melvern and her group ignore that the then very powerful and one of the top RPA/F commander, General Nyamwasa Kayumba said that “Kagame’s concern was not to stop the genocide. Kagame’s intention was to take power”. Without efforts to reconcile these critical and diverse positions by different actors, Ms. Melvern makes very disturbing conclusion, “RPF stopped genocide because Gen. Romeo Dakkaire said it”. Is that academic honesty as she claims she is?

Ms. Melvern and her group agree that the BBC documentary lasted for less than an hour. The film features some scholars and people with firsthand information about what happened. What Ms. Melvern and the group blames the BBC documentary for is that the BBC documentary producer did not feature the group’s favorite scholars, practitioners including Dallaire, Philippe Gaillard and Dr. James Orbinski. In my considered view, Ms. Melvern and her group are probably mistaken about how investigative journalism and social research operates. The purpose of the film was to bring to light the “Untold story” about the massacres in Rwanda. It follows that the “popular account of events” was not the subject matter of the documentary. What value would the BBC add to its diverse viewers if the BBC was to avoid controversial social issues for “popular” views? It is impossible to interview everybody for one single research project.

E. The 1994 massacres cannot be detached from Rwanda’s social political culture. A researcher that seeks to close investigations and/or research into the culture that gave birth to the 1994 horrible massacres is probably naive

The 1994 Rwandan massacres were a logical sequence of a complex unresolved social and political dynamics. At the core of this insane conflict is each side’s failure to perceive the other side as a legitimate group with equal rights. In this conflict, the “other group” has no legitimate history, story and existence. Each group’s heroes are the other group’s evil men. Vengeance, dehumanizing the ‘other group’ and exterminating “our” enemy is spontaneous characteristic of an ordinary Hutu or Tutsi. “Secrets and lies” in “our” group against the “other” group are the major features of the Hutu vs Tutsi troubled co-existence. Settling for one group or side’s narrative, without critical thinking and reexamination of these two groups’ co-existence history and crimes, is settling on a appallingly slippery cliff.

Unfortunately, the current government of Rwanda and its complex network of lobbyists consider any critical reflection on RPA/F role in the horrific crimes “genocide denial”. This undesirable Government of Rwanda position is clear in its draconic laws, including “genocide revisionism laws”. Kigali government, its lobbyists and, surprisingly, some academics are inclined to refer to the BBC documentary – a very critical inquiry into the different events during, before and after the 1994 massacres – as “genocide denial”.

Conclusion

What happened during, before and after the 1994 massacres is extremely complex that any social researcher who claims to have perfect and conclusive knowledge of the 1994 Rwandan massacres, like Ms. Melvern and fellow researchers claim, must be treated with the contempt they deserve. “Genocide denial” should not become a social-political tool to suppress critical thinking, human intelligibility and human freedoms.

The BBC has a choice to make. Remain critical and investigative or become a morale booster for those who hold power and lose the trust and confidence of the ordinary people who are yarning for justice and fairness. The Hutu/Tutsi conflict has caused way too many horrible massacres in Burundi, Rwanda and DRC. The victor vs. Vanquished narrative, like Ms. Melvern and her group appear to suggest, should be discarded. For BBC’s credibility and very long history of service, a critical approach to the Hutu/Tutsi conflict is the only sustainable and value adding way to go.

I would be happy to take on Ms. Melvern and her group in an open debate over all the issues they raised in their letter.

Dr Charles Kambanda, PhD