Monthly Archives: April 2015

Contestation au Burundi: fermeture des résidences universitaires

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Au Burundi, les étudiants de Bujumbura ont commencé à quitter les résidences universitaires, ce jeudi matin, comme le demande une ordonnance universitaire prise pour « des raisons de sécurité ». Mais les jeunes estiment que cette décision est plutôt liée aux manifestations de ces derniers jours contre une nouvelle candidature du président Pierre Nkurunziza. C’est déjà ce qu’ils craignaient quand le restaurant universitaire n’a pas ouvert ses portes hier.

Pas de doutes pour ces étudiants de l’Université du Burundi, le gouvernement va tenter de les chasser des campus. Mercredi matin, le restaurant universitaire n’a pas servi de petit déjeuner. Or, ils sont nombreux à ne pas avoir de famille à Bujumbura et à n’avoir pas d’autres moyens pour se restaurer que le restaurant universitaire.

« Cette fermeture du restaurant est liée à des manifestations, croit savoir un étudiant. C’est une manière d’abord d’intimider ceux qui veulent participer. De nous faire chasser. »

Deux étudiants du parti au pouvoir font irruption : « En ce qui concerne le restaurant universitaire, je ne suis pas au courant de la cause, se défend l’un d’eux. Mais ce que je sais c’est que si j’étais à la place du responsable du restaurant universitaire, je ne pourrais pas moi aussi encourager ça… Encourager le mouvement. Manifester c’est bon, c’est le droit de tous les citoyens, mais je ne veux pas encourager les gens qui viennent ici prendre du thé le matin et quittent le campus pour aller brûler là-bas… »

Dans la soirée, mercredi, comme les étudiants s’y attendaient, l’ordonnance fermant les résidences universitaires est tombée.

Ce jeudi matin, les manifestations ont repris dans plusieurs quartiers de la capitale, notamment à Nyakabiga, Cibitoke et Musaga.

Le gouvernement reconnaît l’usage de balles réelles

Le gouvernement semblait chercher l’apaisement mercredi, au troisième jour de manifestations ponctuées de violents affrontements entre manifestants et policiers qui ont déjà fait cinq morts par balles. Le tout-puissant ministre burundais de l’Intérieur Edouard Nduwimana a appelé au calme. II appelle également les Burundais qui se sont réfugiés au Rwanda voisin à rentrer au pays et a tenté de diviser leaders de la contestation et manifestants, en accusant les premiers d’être à l’étranger. Le ministre burundais a également reconnu que les police utilisait parfois des balles réelles :

« En de telles circonstances, nous recommandons le respect des droits et des libertés, a déclaré Edouard Nduwimana. Nous recommandons que les policiers usent de professionnalisme pour qu’il n’y ait pas de dégâts ou de pertes en vies humaines. Mais comme dans toute manifestation, dans toute insurrection, il est possible qu’il y ait l’un ou l’autre qui perde la vie, qu’il y ait un policier qui tire à balles réelles selon les circonstances. Mais le plus important, c’est que nous demandons qu’il y ait usage de professionnalisme. »

RFI

SPECIAL BURUNDI :Ikibazo cy’Uburundi cyabonerwa umuti bwangu Kagame aramutse atabyivanzemo!

Ubu amahanga yose ahanze amaso igihugu cy’Uburundi kubera ibihe bikomeye cyinjiyemo. Twese twashimaga intambwe nziza Abarundi bamaze gutera mu bworoherane na Demokarasi none dore byose bigiye kuba impfabusa ! Kuba Perezida Petero Nkurunziza yongeye gutangwaho umukandida n’ishyaka rye kugira ngo abe yatorerwa kuba umukuru w’igihugu ubwa gatatu byarangije kuba ikibazo kitoroshye. Abakomeye ku masezerano ya Arusha yemeza ko nta mukuru w’igihugu ugomba kurenza manda ebyiri bahagurukije rubanda ijya mu mihanda . Akaduruvayo katangiye, abenegihugu batangiye guhunga, gufungwa, gukubitwa, gukomereka ndetse no kwicwa .

N’ubwo ariko bigaragara ko umutekano utifashe neza muri iki gihe, ikibazo cy’Uburundi kiramutse kireba Abarundi bonyine, nticyivangwemo n’abanyamahanga, benecyo bashobora kukibonera igisubizo gikwiye bidatinze. Hari inzira eshatu zasubiza iki kibazo mu buryo bwihuse.

1.Perezida Nkurunziza aramutse yemejwe n’urwego rubishinzwe nk’umukandida, ashobora gukoresha inzego z’umutekano z’igihugu agakanda abigaragambya, akagarura umutekano, ibintu bigasubira mu buryo, amatora y’umukuru w’igihugu agakorwa uko ateganyijwe.

Gusa rero kugira ngo iyi nzira ikundire Petero Nkurunziza byaterwa n’uko Opozisiyo igize intege nke, ntikomeze imyigaragambyo . Kuko iyi myigaragambyo ikomeje kongera ingufu ishobora kubyara Revolisiyo ya rubanda Petero Nkurunziza akagamburuzwa , amahanga akamukuraho amaboko, agahunga, agafungwa cyangwa akicwa , mbese akavanwa ku butegetsi n’ingufu za rubanda. Hari ahandi biherutse kuba,  kandi Abarundi ntibabiyobewe !

Muri iki gihe Petero Nkurunziza agomba gutekereza bihagije, agashyira mu gaciro inzira zikigendwa. Ubwo abaturage batangiye kwicwa , ni we byose bizajya ku mutwe (Responsabilite criminelle). Mu gihe azaba avuye ku butegetsi ku ngufu, yitegure ko azaruhukira La Haye, buriya icyumba cye cyatangiye gutegurwa !

2. Petero Nkurunziza ashobora gutanga imihoho, hakagenwa umukandida mushya wa CNDD-FDD

Kugena undi mukandida wa CNDD-FDD byagabanya ubukana bw’imivu y’amaraso ariko ntibihagije ngo igisubizo kibe kibonetse. Ndasobanura impamvu. Koko rero n’ubwo Opozisiyo ivuga ko irwanya kandidatire ya Petero Nkurunziza, ifite ibindi bibazo bibiri biyikomereye kurushaho.

Icyambere ni uko Ishyaka CNDD-FDD rigikomeye cyane kuko rigikunzwe n’abaturage benshi bazi aho ryabakuye. Nta gushidikanya, iri shyaka rishobora rwose kongera gutsinda aya matora yo 2015,  n’iyo yaba mu mucyo , nta kwiba amajwi kubayeho. Ibi ntibyabura gutera Opozisiyo ubwoba.

Icyakabiri ni uko tudakwiye kwibagirwa ukuntu Opozisiyo yanze kwitabira amatora yo mu 2010 , ikikura ityo mu kibuga,  bigaha CNND-FDD gutsinda ayo matora no kwigarurira imyanya yose y’ingenzi y’ubuyobozi bw’igihugu. Kubera iyo mpamvu, kugeza n’uyu munsi  Opozisiyo igerageza kwirwanaho ariko igasa n’ikinira hanze y’ikibuga . Intege nke ifite ni aho zituruka . Icyifuzo cya Opozisiyo y’Uburundi muri iki gihe,  n’ubwo itacyatura neza ngo ikivuge, si ukwishora mu matora izi neza ko izatsindwa!

3.Gushyikirana na Opozisiyo hagashyirwaho Leta y’inzibacyuho ihuriweho n’amashyaka menshi.

Mu by’ukuri iyi niyo nzira abenshi mu bagize Opozisiyo bifuza . Kandi birumvikana. Kuko Opozisiyo ibashije kwinjira mu butegetsi nibura amezi nka 18 yabona uburyo bwo kwiyubaka, ikazajya mu matora nayo yaratoye agatege.

Iyi nzira ifite akamaro cyane kuko yaha Petero Nkurunziza inzira yiyubashye yo gusohoka (sortie honorable) nyuma y’inzibacyuho atagombye kugaragurwa mu byondo  kandi na Opozisiyo ikabyungukiramo.

Abakunda Uburundi bakaba babwifuriza icyiza n’amahoro bakwiye gutekereza bwangu , bagafata icyemezo bidatinze kugira ngo badaha rugari akaduruvayo ba Rusahuriramunduru batazabura kubyaza umusaruro mu nyungu zabo bwite.

IKIBAZO GIKOMEREYE UBURUNDI KIGIYE GUTURUKA MU RWANDA….

Inzira eshatu tuvuze haruguru zagira agaciro mu gihe Paul Kagame yaba ativanze mu bibazo by’Uburundi. Gusa rero hari ibimenyetso simusiga bitari bike byerekana ko Perezida w’u Rwanda Paul Kagame na we uriho gushakisha IMPAMVU yo kwihambira ku butegetsi mu 2017, yarangije gupanga uko yakwifashisha akaduruvayo ko mu Burundi, we ubwe yiteguye kugiramo uruhare…

Tuzabikomerezaho ubutaha.

BIRACYAZA…

Padiri Thomas Nahimana.

Umukandida w’ Ishema Party,

Mu matora ya Perezida yo mu 2017

Pour le Professeur Reyntjens, le feu burundais, est un feu régional

Scénarios pour le Burundi par le Professeur Filip Reyntjens

filip

La question quant au droit du président burundais Pierre Nkurunziza de briguer un troisième mandat lors des prochaines élections présidentielles de juin suscite de vives tensions qui ont déclenché un flux croissant de réfugiés vers les pays voisins. Elle est même parvenue à diviser le parti au pouvoir le CNDD-FDD.

Avant de se pencher sur les scenarii possibles pour le Burundi dans futur immédiat, ce papier aborde brièvement la question constitutionnelle. Deux articles de la Constitution de 2005 sont concernés. L’article 96 dispose que “Le Président de la République est élu au suffrage universel direct pour un mandat de cinq ans renouvellement une fois”. L’article 302 qui figure à la section intitulée « Dispositions particulières pour la première période post-transition » est ainsi libellé : « A titre exceptionnel, le premier Président de la République de la période post-transition est élu par l’Assemblée nationale et le Sénat réunis en Congrès, à la majorité des deux tiers des membres ». Les défenseurs du troisième mandat avancent que le mandat 2005-2010 “ne compte pas” puisque Nkurunziza n’a pas été élu au suffrage universel en 2005. Par conséquent, le mandat 2015-2020 constitue le deuxième et aucunement le troisième. Même si ces pro-troisième mandat ont le bénéfice d’une certaine ambigüité constitutionnelle, leur position est intenable pour au moins deux raisons, sans même devoir invoquer les Accords de paix d’Arusha de 2000 comme certains le font. Un: l’article 302 est une disposition temporaire portant uniquement sur la période 2005-2010. Elle n’est plus en vigueur et ne peut dès lors être invoquée aujourd’hui. Deux et surtout : alors que l’article 96 dispose du nombre de mandats, l’article 302 traite simplement de la modalité de l’élection 2005. Il ne concerne en rien d’autres aspects de la fonction présidentielle, notamment le nombre de mandats. Essayons une démonstration par l’absurde: si la modalité de l’élection présidentielle était amendée, cela signifierait-il que Nkurunziza peut se présenter pour un autre mandat ?

J’aborde maintenant les scenarii spéculatifs cela s’entend qui vont de souhaitables à catastrophiques. Ils sont présentés à titre d’alerte pour montrer que le Burundi peut devenir dans un proche avenir une très dangereuse boîte de Pandore pour la région des Grands-Lacs.

Un. Le CNDD-FDD propose un autre candidat que Pierre Nkurunziza. Le parti dispose de beaucoup de prétendants compétents qui formeraient des présidents convenables (d’autres personnes possibles constitueraient cependant des candidats moins convenables ; Nkurunziza pourrait être tenté par le scénario Putin-Medvedev avec eux). Compte tenu de la grande popularité du CNDD-FDD quoique entamée par la mauvaise gouvernance et les récentes dissensions provoquées par la question du troisième mandat, ce candidat remporterait probablement les élections, même si les élections sont libres et équitables. Comme le stipule la Constitution, Nkurunziza devient alors Sénateur à vie et une personnalité respectée, au pays et à l’étranger, pour sa sage décision et pour avoir privilégié le bien de la nation. Si le candidat proposé est choisi par consensus, le CNDD-FDD retrouve son unité et redevient la principale force politique incontestée et incontestable du pays.

Deux. Le CNDD-FDD propose Pierre Nkurunziza. Il appartient aux institutions compétentes (la Commission électorale nationale et vraisemblablement la Cour constitutionnelle) de déterminer si cette candidature est constitutionnellement admissible, décision à laquelle l’on peut s’attendre à moins que ces dernières ne fassent montre d’une indépendance inhabituelle. L’opposition, les média, la société civile et l’Eglise catholique se mettent à protester. Les manifestations sont organisées à Bujumbura et dans d’autres villes. De nombreux manifestants sont arrêtés et certains sont tués. La communauté internationale condamne et menace de prendre des sanctions. Les élections sont malgré tout organisées, de façon plus ou moins ordonnée et Nkurunziza est élu. Le régime réprime les manifestations, devient autoritaire et agit comme si de rien n’était. La fatigue et la répression finissent à vaincre l’opposition interne et la communauté internationale qui reprend progressivement l’aide après une suspension momentanée. Le CNDD-FDD se divise en deux factions.

Trois. La candidature de Nkurunziza est violemment contestée. Un grand nombre de manifestants sont tués dans les villes et les opposants à Nkurunziza sont pris pour cibles en ville et à la campagne par la jeunesse du parti CNDD-FDD, les Imbonerakure et les anciens combattants du mouvement. Les factions du CNDD-FDD entrent dans des affrontements violents. La police soutient Nkurunziza, mais l’armée se divise. Les soldats pro et anti-Nkurunziza au sein des unités, ou entre unités, se mettent à se battre. Les politiciens de l’opposition et les membres de la société civile fuient le pays ou entrent dans la clandestinité. L’état de siège est proclamé, et les élections sont reportées sine die.

Quatre. Les dirigeants de l’ancien CNDD-FDD, comme ceux qui se sont opposés à la candidature Nkurunziza et l’ex-président du parti, Hussein Radjabu, ainsi que le FNL aile-Rwasa entament de nouvelles rébellions. Ils récupèrent les armes laissées “en réserves” pendant le processus DDR et se mettent à combattre le CNDD-FDD de Nkurunziza, la police et les éléments pro-Nkurunziza de l’armée. Ils cherchent à constituer des alliances avec les unités de l’armée anti-Nkurunziza. Les combats se déclarent rapidement entre les différents groupes armés de l’opposition pour s’accaparer le plus de territoire possible. Des centaines de milliers se réfugient à l’étranger, tandis que d’autres centaines de milliers deviennent des déplacés internes sans accès humanitaire.

Cinq. Les restes des groupes rebelles de la RDC entrent dans la mêlée. Ils traversent la plaine de la Rusizi, attaquent Cibitoke et Bubanza et avancent sur Bujumbura. La rébellion rwandaise du FDLR saisit l’occasion créée par le chaos burundais et lancent des attaques au Rwanda, avec comme base d’assaut et de repli le Nord-Ouest du Burundi. Quelles soient vérifiées ou pas, des informations affirment qu’un nombre croissant de Tutsi burundais sont ciblés. En application d’une éventualité qu’il a publiquement annoncée quelques mois auparavant, Kagame donne ordre à l’armée rwandaise de contrer cette évolution jugée inacceptable par le régime de Kigali. Les Forces de défense rwandaises entre au Burundi pour intervention appelée « opération humanitaire » visant à « lutter contre le génocide ». Le Rwanda déclare qu’il va restaurer l’ordre après une courte campagne militaire. Les réfugiés et les déplacés intérieurs sont pris entre les feux de plusieurs forces combattantes sur un espace militaire très confus, sans lignes de front claires ni côtés en guerre évidents.

Six. La guerre civile s’étend sur le territoire congolais. Ni l’armée congolaise ni la Monusco ne sont capables de contrôler la situation. Plusieurs milices existantes mais semi-dormantes organisent des opérations « d’autodéfense » au Sud-Kivu. Elles établissent des zones autonomes et créent des enclaves dépourvues de toute présence du gouvernement central. Les troubles se propagent rapidement dans le Nord-Kivu où la rébellion M23 reprend ses actions militaires avec le soutien ouvert ou clandestin du Rwanda. Le conflit burundais est alors devenu une crise réellement régionale qui affecte trois pays et vraisemblablement des millions d’innocents – encore une fois.

Evidemment, ces scenarii peuvent ne jamais se réaliser et s’avérer une pure fiction politique, genre avec des si… Les scenarii sont en fait très peu probables, sauf le premier et le deuxième et peut-être le troisième. Ce sont les décisions prises par les acteurs, très souvent au hasard et en réponse à des menaces ou à des occasions, qui vont déterminer l’évolution de la situation. Cependant, ce papier vise à sonner l’alerte sur un très grave danger immédiat. Ce danger commence avec la décision du président Nkurunziza de briguer un troisième mandat présidentiel. Et c’est là que la ligne rouge doit être tracée. La communauté régionale et internationale doit par conséquent dire très clairement que cela est inacceptable et que la conséquence sera des sanctions extrêmement sévères contre Nkurunziza et ceux qui le soutiennent dans cette aventure potentiellement mortelle. Ces sanctions ne doivent pas s’appliquer uniquement au régime en place mais aussi aux figures de l’opposition qui empruntent des stratégies inadmissibles et dangereuses de tension et de violence. Des actions de médiation devraient venir en premier lieu, suivies par des mesures ciblées comme le refus de visas et le blocage des comptes bancaires ainsi qu’un avertissement préventif de la Cour pénale internationale. Une annonce à tous les acteurs qu’ils sont passibles de poursuites judiciaires, comme ce fut le cas il y a quelques temps avec la République centrafricaine.

Professeur Filip Reyntjens

​Le modèle rwandais en question.

​Le modèle rwandais en question
De l’image du génocide à celle du Rwanda que nous connaissons aujourd’hui, il y a eu un travail admirable qui s’est effectué. Bien que 40% des rwandais vivent en dessous du seuil de pauvreté et que le pays est confronté à un sérieux problème de surpopulation, il enregistre cependant ces dernières années, des taux de croissance remarquables de l’ordre de 7 à 8% et connait une ruée impressionnante vers ses universités qui est passée de 3.000 avant le génocide à 80.000 étudiants de nos jours. Le Rwanda aujourd’hui, c’est aussi une vision économique et politique claire et des actions efficaces effectuées dans une dynamique sociale et holistique qui prend une forme que la communauté Africaine lui envie de plus en plus.
Apprendre du passé et s’ouvrir au monde  des affaires
L’une des pages notoires qu’écrit actuellement le pays se trouve être l’impressionnante décision de tourner la page française de son histoire pour en ouvrir une nouvelle tournée vers la renaissance socioculturelle et politico-économique à travers une langue officielle totalement différente : celle de Shakespeare.
Le Français fut introduit en tant que langue officielle par la Belgique en 1890. Deux ans après la fin du génocide au Rwanda, le Front Patriotique Rwandais prit le pouvoir et déclara l’anglais comme langue officielle avec  le kinyarwanda et le français. Ainsi, entre 1996 et 2008, les écoliers de cours moyens et ceux du secondaire étaient supposés être en mesure d’utiliser l’anglais ou le français comme langue d’instruction et utiliser le kinyarwanda et les autres langues comme matières. Les étudiants de niveau universitaire étaient supposés étudier en anglais aussi bien qu’en français. En 2009, une réforme considérée soudaine par la plupart des observateurs, fut adoptée sous le leadership du président Paul Kagamé. Cette réforme prôna que l’instruction dans les écoles serait dorénavant faite exclusivement en langue anglaise. Toute autre langue enseignée devenait donc une matière comme les autres.
L’anglais est considérée aujourd’hui comme la langue du progrès, celle des affaires, de la technologie mais surtout celle qui est perçue par les rwandais comme étant la langue qui leur permet de se départir du colonialisme de la Belgique et de la France ; celle qui leur permet de faciliter le négoce avec l’Afrique du Sud, la Tanzanie, l’Ouganda, le Burundi, le Kenya mais aussi les Etats-Unis et la Grande Bretagne. En réalité, le Rwanda a souvent accusé ses anciens colons d’avoir participé au génocide entre les Tutsi et les Hutus qui a emporté plus de 800.000 rwandais en 1994.
L’adoption de l’anglais leur permet de reconstruire une identité politique et culturelle qui élude l’ethnicité et transcende les valeurs d’unité nationale. La ferme résolution du président Rwandais à atteindre cet objectif fut clairement démontrée lorsqu’il répondit à des accusations de terrorisme, de part sa présumée implication dans l’abattement de l’avion de l’ancien président Habyarimana, en fermant le centre culturel français, l’ambassade de France et en enlevant la Radio France Internationale (RFI) des ondes Rwandaises.
Grâce à la ferme volonté politique et l’efficacité des systèmes supports mis en place, le Rwanda se trouve aujourd’hui classé deuxième en terme de facilité de faire des affaires sur le continent après les îles Maurices; Transparency International considère le pays comme le moins corrompu de sa région (49ème  mondialement).Langue et développement
L’une des pages notoires qu’écrit actuellement le Rwanda se trouve donc être l’impressionnante décision de tourner la page française de son histoire pour en ouvrir une nouvelle tournée vers la renaissance socioculturelle et politico-économique à travers l’adoption de l’anglais en plus de la langue nationale qu’est le Kinyarwanda. Bien que le one-size-fits-all soit de moins en moins réaliste à l’heure actuelle, il y des leçons qui peuvent être tirées du modèle rwandais.
Par la promotion du Kinyarwanda qui est une langue découlant du kiswahili, le Rwanda se positionne clairement comme un Etat qui promeut son identité nationale. Cette langue nationale permet également de rendre moins pénible l’alphabétisation des couches sociales analphabètes qui, en tant qu’agents économiques s’évertuent à améliorer leur niveau d’instruction et ainsi faciliter leur intégration dans un siècle dominé par les nouvelles technologies d’information et de communication, ne serait-ce que par la maîtrise de la langue nationale dans laquelle ils savent déjà très bien articuler leurs idées. De 6% en 2006, Il est estimé aujourd’hui qu’environ 60% des rwandais ont désormais accès aux téléphones portables et des efforts sont faits pour intégrer le Kinyarwanda dans la politique ICT mise en place à l’horizon 2020.
Le président américain Bill Clinton a certainement remporté les élections présidentielles en 1992 grâce à sa phrase culte ‘’It’s economics, stupid !’’. Pourtant, nombre d’observateurs de l’Afrique aujourd’hui s’accordent à dire que le développement du continent n’est pas forcément qu’une question d’économie. Les pays africains ne se développeront pas en réussissant des prouesses économiques mais en se transformant plutôt en entités politiques ayant des Etats fonctionnels. Le capital social et le capital humain auront un rôle essentiel à jouer dans un système où les Africains devront s’engager à contribuer effectivement au bien-être de leurs voisins.
Bien qu’il n’y ait aucun lien direct de causalité entre la langue d’instruction et le développement d’un pays, de nombreuses recherches suggèrent que l’apprentissage en langue maternelle au cours primaire pèse suffisamment lourd dans la balance en ce qui concerne le niveau d’instruction futur qu’une personne peut espérer atteindre. Une instruction réussie en retour peut contribuer à la réduction de la pauvreté lorsque les mesures et systèmes adéquats d’accompagnement sont mis en place. En adoptant le kinyarwanda comme langue nationale d’enseignement depuis le primaire entre 1996 et 2008, le Rwanda avait défié temporairement la règle selon laquelle l’Afrique est le seul continent au monde où la plupart des écoliers débutaient leur instruction dans une langue qu’ils ne comprennent pas bien et qui n’est pas la leur. L’héritage vernaculaire du Rwanda le place dans une position unique. En effet, le Kinyarwanda qui est la seule langue vernaculaire rwandaise, est parlé par environ 90% de la population.* Membre d’IMANI Francophone dont il coordonne les activités du programme béninois
Article publié en collaboration avec le think tank
Ghanéen IMANI
Par Alan Akakpo
Mercredi 25 Mars 2015

UN inquiry: Rwandan peacekeepers used ‘excessive force’ in fatally shooting 3 Mali protesters

UNITED NATIONS (AP) — Members of a U.N. police unit in the West African country of Mali used “unauthorized and excessive force” in fatally shooting three civilians and wounding four others during a protest in January, the U.N. announced Thursday, April 2, 2015. It was one of the most serious incidents of violence by peacekeepers in the past decade.

Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon “expresses his deepest apologies” to the victims and their families and is committed to ensuring justice for them, the statement said.

The U.N. statement did not mention the nationality of the peacekeepers, who are from Rwanda, a major U.N. troop contributor. They will be repatriated in the next few days, U.N. peacekeeping chief Herve Ladsous told reporters.

It will be up to Rwanda to take action to hold them accountable.

Up to four peacekeepers were implicated in the shooting, and families of the victims will receive compensation, said Radhia Achouri, a spokesman for the U.N. mission in Mali, known as MINUSMA.

The findings are based on an independent inquiry that Ban launched after the shootings in the northern city of Gao. The U.N. shared the findings Thursday with families of the victims and with Malian authorities.

“The chief of MINUSMA offered condolences,” said Habiboulaye Ousmane Maiga, an uncle of Amadou Mahamadou, one of the protesters killed. The uncle said he was content with the fact that the mission had acknowledged its errors.

Ladsous, who briefed the Security Council about the inquiry on Thursday, did not say what assurances Rwanda had given that it would take action against the peacekeepers. Rwanda’s mission to the U.N. had no immediate comment.

Mali’s northern half came under control of al-Qaida-linked Islamic extremists following a military coup in 2012. A French-led intervention in early 2013 scattered the extremists, but the country is growing increasingly unstable, and U.N. troops are struggling to maintain peace, with 46 troops killed so far.

Peace talks continue with a coalition of armed groups seeking autonomy for Mali’s north, international mediators and Mali’s government.

David Gressly, the U.N. deputy special representative in Mali, said shortly after the January shootings that the peacekeepers fired tear gas and warning shots to disperse the protest involving about 2,000 people, but two witnesses told The Associated Press they saw U.N. troops fire live rounds into the crowd.

The inquiry also found that some protesters bear responsibility for the violence, which also wounded five U.N. police officers. It said protesters used Molotov cocktails, threw stones and tried to “breach the perimeter” of the base.

Members of the U.N. mission were “left to face the protesters on their own in violation of the Status of Forces Agreement with the host country,” the statement said. Mali police are tasked with guarding the perimeter of the base but reportedly fled during the protest.

The U.N. as of the end of February had more than 9,800 military and personnel in the country.

Mutabare u Rwanda: Ese Koperative y’abahinzi b’icyayi ba Nyamagabe yasimbujwe Guverinoma n’ Inteko Ishinga Amategeko ryari ?

Dore uko aba baturage bafite agahinda none FPR irabakina ku mubyimba ngo yarabakijije !

Hari abajyaga bavuga ngo ubutegetsi bwa Paul Kagame busigaye buhagaze kuri ‘mteremko’(imanga), nkagira ngo barakabya ! Ibyo Kagame n’abambari be bari gukorera abaturage muri iyi minsi biteye agahinda ariko kandi bikwiye gufatwa nk’ikimwaro gikomeye kuri Leta ye. Ese mu bagize kariya Gatsiko kari ku  butegetsi nta muntu n’umwe ugishyira mu gaciro ngo abe yakwibutsa abandi  gutandukanya ibikorwa n’ibidakorwa ?

Biragaragarira buri wese ko  Paul Kagame ku giti cye yahiye ubwoba kubera ko adashobora gukomeza kuba umukuru w’igihugu nyuma y’umwaka w’2017. Koko rero ingingo y’101 y’Itegeko Nshinga u Rwanda rugenderaho imubuza rwose kongera kwiyamamariza  manda ya gatatu. Igira iti : “Nta na rimwe umuntu yemererwa gutorerwa manda zirenze ebyiri ku mwanya wa Perezida wa Repubulika” .

Muri iyi minsi Paul Kagame n’abambari be bariho barazenguruka hirya no hino mu gihugu,  mu banyeshuri ba kaminuza, mu Mirenge n’Utugari, bamena  amatwi abaturage, babingingiriza mu buryo buteye isoni ngo babarwaneho kuko hari abakandida bazava hanze y’u Rwanda ngo baje kwiyamamariza kuyobora igihugu mu 2017 .  Rwose abaturage bakomeje gushyirwaho iterabwoba hagamijwe kubasinyisha ku ngufu impapuro ngo zemeza ko bakeneye ko Itegeko nshinga rihindurwa bityo ngo Paul Kagame abone uko azongera kwiyamamaza mu 2017. Iyo abaturage bababereye ibamba bakanga kubasinyira ibyo bipapuro barafatwa bagafungwa cyangwa bagacunaguzwa, bagatukwa, bagatotezwa bikomeye…ndetse bamwe bakicwa.

Ingero zimaze kuba nyinshi,  uyu munsi turatanga rumwe gusa ariko tunasabe ababishoboye bose mu mpande zose z’igihugu  bakomeze kutugezaho amakuru y’imvaho y’iri totezwa riri gukorerwa abaturage kugira ngo ritangazwe isi yose irimenye.

Mu murenge wa NZAHAHA, akagari ka REBERO, umukecuru witwa NYIRAMUNENGE Felesita uvuka mu Kamahabe,  kwa Munori Duwalidi, afunze azira iki ?  Bahatiye abaturage b’ako Kagari gusinya ko bazatora Perezida Kagame mu 2017, ni uko umukecuru abatera utwatsi maze mu bushishozi asanganywe arababwira ati “ Umuyobozi ukwiye u Rwanda tuzamwitorera tubifashijwemo n’Imana,igihe cy’amatora nikigera” . Kuva ubwo uwo mukecuru yakomeje kwirukanswa imisozi yitaba inkiko zibaho n’izitabaho, ubu ndetse akaba afungiye mu Bugarama, ategereje gukatirwa n’Urukiko rwa Nyakabuye! Uyu mukecuru nta cyaha na kimwe afite, iri terabwoba ashyirwaho rigomba guhagarara. Turasaba dukomeje ko uyu mwenegihugu yafungurwa nta yandi mananiza agasubizwa uburenganzira bwe bwose yambuwe . Ababuriwe irengero nabo bagomba kurekurwa bagasubira mu ngo zabo.

2. Twibaze impamvu (1)Ko bari basanzwe bigaragaza nk’abazi “kwigira” no kwihagararaho, ubu  bwoba bungana butya Kagame n’Agatsiko ke barabuterwa n’iki?

(2)Ko bajyaga birirwa biyemera mu bitangazamakuru byo ku isi yose ko bakuye Abanyarwanda bose mu bukene, ko bazaniye u Rwanda iterambere ry’akataraboneka, baratinyira iki amatora kandi nyine rubanda yagakwiye kubatorera ibyo byiza bagezeho ?

(3)Ese ko inzego eshatu zose arizo  Guverinoma n’Inteko Ishinga Amategeko mu mitwe yayo yombi zifite ububasha bwo gutangiza umushinga w’ivugururwa ry’Itegekonshinga hifashishijwe ingingo y’193 barabuzwa n’iki guheka umusaraba wo “gukorogoshora” Itegekonshinga,  bakajya kuwikoreza abaturage badafite aho bahuriye n’imigambi yabo mibisha ?

*Yaba se ari Kagame wagize ikimwaro cyo kubihatira inzego zemewe n’amategeko akajya kwikoreza abaturage ibisinde  we yarimye nk’uko amenyereye kubogeraho uburimiro?

*Abadepite n’Abasenateri se baba bamubereye ibamba bakanga kwishora mu manyanga ashobora kuzabakururira gukurikiranwa n’ubutabera mu gihe ubutegetsi buzaba bumaze guhinduka ?

Uko byamera kose, Kagame ntakiri ku rutonde rw’abashobora kuyobora u Rwanda. Itegekonshinga rirabimubuza. Narirengaho azabibazwa byanze bikunze.

3. Ubu buriganya  FPR itangiye mu 2015 kandi amatora ateganyijwe mu 2017 burerekana iki ?

(1)Burerekana ko, uretse ibyo gukangata gusa, Kagame na FPR nta cyizere na busa bifitiye muri iki gihe.

(2)Bisobanuye ko Kagame yamenye neza ko abaturage biteguye “ KUMWAMURURA” haba muri Referendum (iramutse ibayeho) cyangwa mu  matora y’umukuru w’igihugu azaba mu 2017, bityo bakitorera undi mukuru w’igihugu ushishikajwe n’imibereho yabo, utazabashyiraho iterabwoba, uzunamura icumu akayobora igihugu mu mahoro.

(3)Birerekana ikintu gisa no guhuzagurika bikabije  muri politiki : Ese urwandiko rw’abahinzi ba cyayi 4700  ruzamarira iki Kagame?

*Nibura se ni impapuro z’abatoye (bulletins de vote)  FPR yibitseho bityo ngo Kagame abe yizeye ko ayo majwi adashobora kuzajya ku wundi mukandida igihe kigeze ?

*Aho Kagame ntiyaba yitiranya Referendum na ziriya nzandiko  z’amakoperative y’icyayi zifite agaciro k’umurimbo gusa cyane cyane ko abaturage baba bazisinyishijwe ku ngufu ? Aribwira se ko ari kuriya  rubanda ikora Referendum ?

Umwanzuro

Inkuru nk’iyi yasohotse ku igihe.com(http://www.igihe.com/amakuru/u-rwanda/article/nyamagabe-abahinzi-barenga-4700)  iragaragaza imikorere y’ urukozasoni ya Leta ya Kagame. Yongeye kwerekana ko politiki ya FPR icyubakiye ku buriganya busa  ! Icyo Paul Kagame n’Agatsiko ke badakwiye kwirengagiza ni uko na  bene aya manyanga  yabo atakijyanye n’igihe ! Iyi rwose ni “ Politique-vieille-école’. Rubanda yarangije kubatera imboni ! Izabamurura ku manywa y’ihangu ! Niba bacyibwira ko GUKANGA rubanda  bazabirisha ubuziraherezo, barishuka cyane. Ikigaragara ni uko gutekenika amajwi mu 2017 bigiye kubabera ihurizo rizabasazamo benshi. Iyo rubanda imaze kurambirwa akarengane, ikiyemeza kuva hasi, nta kiyihagarika , bigiye kugaragara mu minsi iri imbere aha.

Turahamagarira abenegihugu cyane cyane urubyiruko ko baba maso maze mu buryo bwose bashoboye bakanga kwishora mu manyanga ubutegetsi buri mu marembera butangiye kubakwegeramo .  Itegekonshinga ntirishobora guhindurwa ngo ni ukugira ngo umuntu umwe yigire Akagirwamana ngo ni we wenyine ushoboye kuyobora igihugu. Paul Kagame ataravuka u Rwanda rwari ruriho, napfa kandi azarusiga.

Banyarwandakazi, Banyarwanda, aho dutuye , aho twirirwa n’aho turara, mu mitwe no mu mitima yacu , dukwiye kugira uko tuhandika aya magambo mu nyuguti zisomeka neza : «  U RWANDA SI UMUNANI PAUL KAGAME YASIGIWE NA SE  ».

Ng’uko uko Revolisiyo zitangira.

Padiri Thomas Nahimana,

Umukandida w’Ishyaka Ishema

mu matora ya Perezida yo mu 2017

Rwandan Genocide: What really happened in 1994?

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In 1998 and 1999, we went to Rwanda and returned several times in subsequent years for a simple reason: We wanted to discover what had happened there during the 100 days in 1994 when civil war and genocide killed an estimated 1 million individuals. What was the source of our curiosity? Well, our motivations were complex. In part, we felt guilty about ignoring the events when they took place and were largely overshadowed in the U.S. by such “news” as the O.J. Simpson murder case. We felt that at least we could do something to clarify what had occurred in an effort to respect the dead and assist in preventing this kind of mass atrocity in the future. We were both also in need of something new, professionally speaking. Although tenured, our research agendas felt staid. Rwanda was a way out of the rut and into something significant.

Although well-intentioned, we were not at all ready for what we would encounter. Retrospectively, it was naïve of us to think that we would be. As we end the project 10 years later, our views are completely at odds with what we believed at the outset, as well as what passes for conventional wisdom about what took place.

We worked for both the prosecution and the defense at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, trying to perform the same task — that is, to find data that demonstrate what actually happened during the 100 days of killing. Because of our findings, we have been threatened by members of the Rwandan government and individuals around the world. And we have been labeled “genocide deniers” in both the popular press as well as the Tutsi expatriate community because we refused to say that the only form of political violence that took place in 1994 was genocide. It was not, and understanding what happened is crucial if the international community is to respond properly the next time it becomes aware of such a horrific spasm of mass violence.

Like most people with an unsophisticated understanding of Rwandan history and politics, we began our research believing that what we were dealing with was one of the most straightforward cases of political violence in recent times, and it came in two forms: On the one hand was the much-highlighted genocide, in which the dominant, ruling ethnic group — the Hutu — targeted the minority ethnic group known as the Tutsi. The behavior toward the minority group was extremely violent — taking place all over Rwanda — and the objective of the government’s effort appeared to be the eradication of the Tutsi, so the genocide label was easy to apply. On the other hand, there was the much-neglected international or civil war, which had rebels (the Rwandan Patriotic Front or RPF) invading from Uganda on one side and the Rwandan government (the Armed Forces of Rwanda or FAR) on the other. They fought this war for four years, until the RPF took control of the country.

We also went in believing that the Western community — especially the United States — had dropped the ball in failing to intervene, in large part because the West had failed to classify expeditiously the relevant events as genocide.

Finally, we went in believing that the Rwandan Patriotic Front, then rebels but now the ruling party in Rwanda, had stopped the genocide by ending the civil war and taking control of the country.

At the time, the points identified above stood as the conventional wisdom about the 100 days of slaughter. But the conventional wisdom was only partly correct.

The violence did seem to begin with Hutu extremists, including militia groups such as the Interahamwe, who focused their efforts against the Tutsi. But as our data came to reveal, from there violence spread quickly, with Hutu and Tutsi playing the roles of both attackers and victims, and many people of both ethnic backgrounds systematically using the mass killing to settle political, economic and personal scores.

Against conventional wisdom, we came to believe that the victims of this violence were fairly evenly distributed between Tutsi and Hutu; among other things, it appears that there simply weren’t enough Tutsi in Rwanda at the time to account for all the reported deaths.

We also came to understand just how uncomfortable it can be to question conventional wisdom.

We began our research while working on a U.S. Agency for International Development project that had proposed to deliver some methodological training to Rwandan students completing their graduate theses in the social sciences. While engaged in this effort, we came across a wide variety of nongovernmental organizations that had compiled information about the 100 days. Many of these organizations had records that were detailed, identifying precisely who died where and under what circumstances; the records included information about who had been attacked by whom. The harder we pushed the question of what had happened and who was responsible, the more access we gained to information and data.

There were a number of reasons that we were given wide-ranging access to groups that had data on the 100 days of killing. First, for their part of the USAID program, our hosts at the National University of Rwanda in Butare arranged many public talks, one of which took place at the U.S. embassy in Kigali. Presumably put together to assist Rwandan NGOs with “state-of-the-art” measurement of human rights violations, these talks — the embassy talk, in particular — turned the situation on its head. The Rwandans at the embassy ended up doing the teaching, bringing up any number of events and publications that dealt with the violence. We met with representatives of several of the institutions involved, whose members discussed with us in greater detail the data they had compiled.

Second, the U.S. ambassador at the time, George McDade Staples, helped us gain access to Rwanda government elites —directly and indirectly through staff members.

Third, the Rwandan assigned to assist the USAID project was extremely helpful in identifying potential sources of information. That she was closely related to a member of the former Tutsi royal family was a welcome plus.

Once we returned to the U.S., we began to code events during the 100 days by times, places, perpetrators, victims, weapon type and actions. Essentially, we compiled a listing of who did what to whom, and when and where they did it — what Charles Tilly, the late political sociologist, called an “event catalog.” This catalog would allow us to identify patterns and conduct more rigorous statistical investigations.

Looking at the material across space and time, it became apparent that not all of Rwanda was engulfed in violence at the same time. Rather, the violence spread from one locale to another, and there seemed to be a definite sequence to the spread. But we didn’t understand the sequence.

At National University of Rwanda, we spent a week preparing students to conduct a household survey of the province. As we taught the students how to design a survey instrument, a common question came up repeatedly: “What actually happened in Butare during the summer of 1994?” No one seemed to know; we found this lack of awareness puzzling and guided the students in building a set of questions for their survey, which eventually revealed several interesting pieces of information.

First, and perhaps most important, was confirmation that the vast majority of the population in the Butare province had been on the move between 1993 and 1995, particularly during early 1994. Almost no one stayed put. We also found that the RPF rebels had blocked the border leading south out of the province to Burundi. The numbers of households that provided information consistent with these facts raised significant questions in our minds regarding the culpability of the RPF relative to the FAR for killing in the area.

During this period, we confirmed Human Rights Watch findings that many killings were organized by the Hutu-led FAR, but we also found that many of the killings were spontaneous, the type of violence that we would expect with a complete breakdown of civil order. Our work further revealed that, some nine years later, a great deal of hostility remained. There was little communication between the two ethnic groups. The Tutsi, now under RPF leadership and President Paul Kagame, dominated all aspects of the political, economic and social systems.

Lastly, it became apparent to us that members of the Tutsi diaspora who returned to Rwanda after the conflict were woefully out of touch with the country that they had returned to. Indeed, one Tutsi woman with whom we spent a day in the hills around Butare broke down in tears in our car as we drove back to the university. When asked why, she replied, “I have never seen such poverty and destitution.” We were quite surprised at the degree of disconnect between the elite students drawn from the wealthy strata of the Tutsi diaspora, who were largely English-speaking, and the poorer Rwandans, who spoke Kinyarwanda and perhaps a bit of French. It was not surprising that the poor and the wealthy in the country did not mix; what struck both of us as surprising was the utter lack of empathy and knowledge about each other’s condition. After all, the Tutsi outside the country claimed to have invaded Rwanda from Uganda on behalf of the Tutsi inside — a group that the former seemed to have little awareness of or interest in. Our work has led us to conclude that the invading force had a primary goal of conquest and little regard for the lives of resident Tutsis.

As the students proceeded with the survey, asking questions that were politically awkward for the RPF-led government, we found our position in the country increasingly untenable. One member of our team was detained and held for the better part of a day while being interrogated by a district police chief. The putative reason was a lack of permissions from the local authorities; permissions were required for everything in Rwanda, and we generally had few problems obtaining them in the beginning. The real reason for the interrogation, however, seemed to be that we were asking uncomfortable questions about who the killers were.

A couple of weeks later, two members of our team were on a tourist trip in the northern part of the country when they were again detained and questioned for the better part of a day at an RPF military facility. There the questioners wanted to know why we were asking difficult questions, what we were doing in the country, whether we were working for the American CIA, if we were guests of the Europeans and, in general, why we were trying to cause trouble.

On one of our trips to Rwanda, Alison Des Forges, the pre-eminent scholar of Rwandan politics who has since died in an airplane crash, suggested that we go to the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in Tanzania to seek answers to the questions we were raising. Des Forges even called on our behalf.

With appointments set and with Mount Kilimanjaro in the distance, we arrived in Arusha, Tanzania, for our meeting with Donald Webster, the lead prosecutor for the political trials, Barbara Mulvaney, the lead prosecutor for the military trial, and others from their respective teams. As we began to talk, we initially found that the prosecutors in the two sets of cases — one set of defendants were former members of the FAR military, the other set of trials focused on the members of the Hutu political machine — had great interest in our project.

Eventually, Webster and Mulvaney asked us to help them contextualize the cases that they were investigating. Needless to say, we were thrilled with the possibility. Now, we were working directly with those trying to bring about justice.

The prosecutors showed us a preliminary database that they had compiled from thousands of eyewitness statements associated with the 1994 violence. They did not have the resources to code all of the statements for computer analysis; they wanted us to do the coding and compare the statements against the data we had already compiled. We returned to the U.S. with real enthusiasm; we had access to data that no one else had seen and direct interaction with one of the most important legal bodies of the era.

Interest by and cooperation with the ICTR did not last as long as we thought it would, in no small part because it quickly became clear that our research was going to uncover killings committed not just by the Hutu-led former government, or FAR, but by the Tutsi-led rebel force, the RPF, as well. Until then, we had been trying to identify all deaths that had taken place; beyond confidentiality issues, it did not occur to us that the identity of perpetrators would be problematic (in part because we thought that all or almost all of them would be associated with the Hutu government). But then we tried to obtain detailed maps that contained information on the location of FAR military bases at the beginning of the civil war. We had seen copies of these maps pinned to the wall in Mulvaney’s office. In fact, during our interview with Mulvaney, the prosecutor explained how her office had used these maps. We took detailed notes, even going so far as to write down map grid coordinates and important map grid sheet identifiers.

After the prosecution indicated it was no longer interested in reconstructing a broad conception of what had taken place —prosecutors said they’d changed their legal strategy to focus exclusively on information directly related to people charged with crimes — we asked the court for a copy of the maps. To our great dismay, the prosecution claimed that the maps did not exist. Unfortunately for the prosecutors, we had our notes. After two years of negotiations, a sympathetic Canadian colonel in a Canadian mapping agency produced the maps we requested.

As part of the process of trying to work out the culpability of the various defendants charged with planning to carry out genocidal policies, the ICTR conducted interviews with witnesses to the violence over some five years, beginning in 1996. Ultimately, the court deposed some 12,000 different people. The witness statements represent a highly biased sample; the Kagame administration prevented ICTR investigators from interviewing many who might provide information implicating members of the RPF or who were otherwise deemed by the government to be either unimportant or a threat to the regime.

All the same, the witness statements were important to our project; they could help corroborate information found in CIA documents, other witness statements, academic studies of the violence and other authoritative sources.

As with the maps, however, when we asked for the statements, we were told they did not exist. Eventually, defense attorneys —who were surprised by the statements’ existence, there being no formal discovery process in the ICTR — requested them. After a year or so, we obtained the witness statements, in the form of computer image files that we converted into optically readable computer documents. We then wrote software to search through these 12,000 statements in our attempts to locate violence and killing throughout Rwanda.

The first significant negative publicity associated with our project occurred in November 2003 at an academic conference in Kigali. The National University of Rwanda had invited a select group of academics, including our team, to present the results of research into the 1994 murders. We had been led to believe that the conference would be a private affair, with an audience composed of academics and a small number of policymakers.

As it turned out, the conference was anything but small or private. It was held at a municipal facility in downtown Kigali, and our remarks would be simultaneously translated from English into French and the Rwandan language, Kinyarwanda. There were hundreds of people present, including not just academics but members of the military, the cabinet and other members of the business and political elite.

We presented two main findings, the first derived from spatial and temporal maps of data obtained from the different sources already mentioned. The maps showed that, while killing took place in different parts of the country, it did so at different rates and magnitudes — begging for an explanation we did not yet have. The second finding came out of a comparison of official census data from 1991 to the violence data we had collected. According to the census, there were approximately 600,000 Tutsi in the country in 1991; according to the survival organization Ibuka, about 300,000 survived the 1994 slaughter. This suggested that out of the 800,000 to 1 million believed to have been killed then, more than half were Hutu. The finding was significant; it suggested that the majority of the victims of 1994 were of the same ethnicity as the government in power. It also suggested that genocide — that is, a government’s attempts to exterminate an ethnic group — was hardly the only motive for some, and perhaps most, of the killing that occurred in the 100 days of 1994.

Halfway into our presentation, a military man in a green uniform stood up and interrupted. The Minister of Internal Affairs, he announced, took great exception to our findings. We were told that our passport numbers had been documented, that we were expected to leave the country the next day and that we would not be welcomed back into Rwanda — ever. Abruptly, our presentation was over, as was, it seemed, our fieldwork in Rwanda.

The results of our initial paper and media interviews became widely known throughout the community of those who study genocides in general and the Rwandan genocide in particular. The main offshoot was that we became labeled, paradoxically, as genocide “deniers,” even though our research documents that genocide had occurred. Both of us have received significant quantities of hate mail and hostile e-mail. In the Tutsi community and diaspora, our work is anathema. Over the past several years, as we have refined our results, becoming more confident about our findings, our critics’ voices have become louder and increasingly strident.

Of course, we have never denied that a genocide took place; we just noted that genocide was only one among several forms of violence that occured at the time. In the context of post-genocide Rwandan politics, however, the divergence from common wisdom was considered political heresy.

Following the debacle at the Kigali conference, the ICTR prosecution teams of Webster and Mulvaney let us know in no uncertain terms that they had no further use of our services. The reasons for our dismissal struck us as somewhat outrageous. From the outset, the prosecution claimed it was not interested in anything that would prove or disprove the culpability of any individuals in the mass killings. Now, they said, the findings we’d announced in the Kigali conference made our future efforts superfluous.

Shortly after our dismissal, however, Peter Erlinder, a defense attorney for former members of the FAR military who were to be tried, contacted us. This was after several others from the defense had also attempted to contact us, with no success.

We had misgivings about cooperating or working with the defense, the gravest being that such work might be seen as supporting the claim we were genocide deniers. After months of negotiating, we finally met Erlinder at a Starbucks in Philadelphia, Pa. The defense could have made a better choice for roping us in. Erlinder, a professor at the William Mitchell College of Law, was an academic turned defender for the least likable suspects.

After we obtained lattes and quiet seats in the back of the coffee shop, Erlinder came straight to the point: He was, of course, interested in establishing his client’s innocence, but he felt it would help the defense to establish a baseline history of what had taken place in the war in 1994. As he explained, “My client may be guilty of some things, but he is not guilty of all the things that any in the Rwandan government and military during 1994 is accused of. They have all been made out to be devils.”

What he asked was reasonable. In fact, he made the same essential offer the prosecution had: In exchange for our efforts at contextualizing the events of 1994, Erlinder would do the best he could to assist us in getting data on what took place. With Erlinder’s assistance, we were able to obtain the maps we’d seen in Mulvaney’s office and the 12,000 witness statements. With this information, we were able to better establish the true positions of both the FAR and RPF during the civil war. This greater confidence of the location of the two sides’ militaries made — and makes — us more certain about the culpability of the FAR for the majority of the killings during the 100 days of 1994. At the same time, however, we also began to develop a stronger understanding of the not insignificant role played by the RPF in the mass murders.

About this time, we were approached by an individual associated with Arcview-GIS, a spatial mapping software firm that wanted to take the rather simplistic maps that we had developed and improve them, thereby showing what the company’s program was capable of. Our consultant at Arcview-GIS said the software could layer information on the map, providing, among other things, a line that showed, day by day, where the battlefront of the civil war was located, relative to the killings we had already documented.

This was a major step. In line with the conventional wisdom, we had assumed that the government was responsible for most all of the people killed in Rwanda during 1994; we initially paid no attention to where RPF forces were located. But it soon became clear that the killings occurred not just in territory controlled by the government’s FAR but also in RPF-captured territory, as well as along the front between the two forces. It seemed possible to us that the three zones of engagement (the FAR-controlled area, the RPF-controlled area and the battlefront between the two) somehow influenced one another.

In his book, The Limits of Humanitarian Intervention, Alan Kuperman argued that given the logistical challenges of mounting a military operation in deep central Africa, there was little the U.S. or Europe could have done to limit the 1994 killings. To support his position, Kuperman used U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency information to document approximate positions of the RPF units over the course of the war. We updated this information on troop locations with data from CIA national intelligence estimates that others had obtained through the Freedom of Information Act and then updated it again, incorporating interviews with former RPF members, whose recollections we corroborated with information from the FAR.

Our research showed the vast majority of the 1994 killing had been conducted by the FAR, the Interahamwe and their associates. Another significant proportion of the killing was committed not by government forces but by citizens engaged in opportunistic killing as part of the breakdown of civil order associated with the civil war. But the RPF was clearly responsible for another significant portion of the killings.

In some instances, the RPF killings were, very likely, spontaneous retribution. In other cases, though, the RPF has been directly implicated in large-scale killings associated with refugee camps, as well as individual households. Large numbers of individuals died at roadblocks and in municipal centers, households, swamps and fields, many of them trying to make their way to borders.

Perhaps the most shocking result of our combination of information on troop locations involved the invasion itself: The killings in the zone controlled by the FAR seemed to escalate as the RPF moved into the country and acquired more territory. When the RPF advanced, large-scale killings escalated. When the RPF stopped, large-scale killings largely decreased. The data revealed in our maps was consistent with FAR claims that it would have stopped much of the killing if the RPF had simply called a halt to its invasion. This conclusion runs counter to the Kagame administration’s claims that the RPF continued its invasion to bring a halt to the killings.

In terms of ethnicity, the short answer to the question, “Who died?” is, “We’ll probably never know.” By and large, the Hutu and the Tutsi are physically indistinct from one another. They share a common language. They have no identifiable accent. They have had significant levels of intermarriage through their histories, and they have lived in similar locations for the past several hundred years. In the 1920s and 1930s, the Belgians, in their role as occupying power, put together a national program to try to identify individuals’ ethnic identity through phrenology, an abortive attempt to create an ethnicity scale based on measurable physical features such as height, nose width and weight, with the hope that colonial administrators would not have to rely on identity cards.

One result of the Belgian efforts was to show — convincingly — that there is no observable difference on average between the typical Hutu Rwandan and the typical Tutsi Rwandan. Some clans — such as those of the current president, Paul Kagame, or the earlier Hutu president,Juvenal Habyarimana — do share distinctive physical traits. But the typical Rwandan shares a mix of such archetypal traits, making ethnic identity outside of local knowledge about an individual household’s identity difficult if not impossible to ascertain — especially in mass graves containing no identifying information. (For example, Physicians for Human Rights exhumed a mass grave in western Rwanda and found the remains of more than 450 people, but only six identity cards.)
In court transcripts for multiple trials at the ICTR, witnesses described surviving the killings that took place around them by simply hiding among members of the opposite ethnic group. It is clear that in 1994, killers would have had a difficult time ascertaining the ethnic identity of their putative victims, unless they were targeting neighbors.

Complicating matters is the displacement that accompanied the RPF invasion. During 1994, some 2 million Rwandan citizens became external refugees, 1 million to 2 million became internal refugees, and about 1 million eventually became victims of civil war and genocide.

Ethnic identity in Rwanda is local knowledge, in much the same way that caste is local knowledge in India. With the majority of the population on the move, local knowledge and ethnic identity disappeared. This is not to say that the indigenous Tutsi were not sought out deliberately for extermination. But in their killing rampages, FAR, the Interahamwe and private citizens engaged in killing victims of both ethnic groups. And people from both ethnic groups were on the move, trying to stay out in front of the fighting as the RPF advanced.

In the end, our best estimate of who died during the 1994 massacre was, really, an educated guess based on an estimate of the number of Tutsi in the country at the outset of the war and the number who survived the war. Using a simple method —subtracting the survivors from the number of Tutsi residents at the outset of the violence — we arrived at an estimated total of somewhere between 300,000 and 500,000 Tutsi victims. If we believe the estimate of close to 1 million total civilian deaths in the war and genocide, we are then left with between 500,000 and 700,000 Hutu deaths, and a best guess that the majority of victims were in fact Hutu, not Tutsi.

This conclusion — which has drawn criticism from the Kagame regime and its supporters — is buttressed by the maps that we painstakingly constructed from the best available data and that show significant numbers of people killed in areas under control of the Tutsi-led RPF.

One fact is now becoming increasingly well understood: During the genocide and civil war that took place in Rwanda in 1994, multiple processes of violence took place simultaneously. Clearly there was a genocidal campaign, directed to some degree by the Hutu government, resulting directly in the deaths of some 100,000 or more Tutsi. At the same time, a civil war raged — a war that began in 1990, if the focus is on only the most recent and intense violence, but had roots that extend all the way back to the 1950s. Clearly, there was also random, wanton violence associated with the breakdown of order during the civil war. There’s also no question that large-scale retribution killings took place throughout the country — retribution killings by Hutu of Tutsi, and vice versa.

From the beginning, the ICTR’s investigation into the mass killings and crimes against humanity in Rwanda in 1994 has focused myopically on the culpability of Hutu leaders and other presumed participants. The Kagame administration has worked assiduously to prevent any investigation into RPF culpability for either mass killings or the random violence associated with the civil war. By raising the possibility that in addition to Hutu/FAR wrongdoing, the RPF was involved, either directly or indirectly, in many deaths, we became in effect persona non grata in Rwanda and at the ICTR.

The most commonly invoked metaphor for the 1994 Rwandan violence is the Holocaust. Elsewhere, we have suggested that perhaps the English civil war, the Greek civil war, the Chinese civil war or the Russian civil war might be more apt comparisons because they all involved some combination of ethnic-based violence and the random slaughter and retribution that can occur when civil society breaks down altogether.

Actually, though, it is difficult to make authoritative comparisons when it remains unclear exactly what happened in the Rwandan civil war and genocide.

Contemporary observers — including Romeo Dallaire, the commander of the ineffective U.N. peacekeeping force for Rwanda in 1993 and 1994 — claim that much of the genocidal killing had been planned by the Hutu government as early as two years in advance of the actual RPF invasion. Unfortunately, we have not been able to gain access to the individuals who have information on that score to either corroborate or to refute the hypothesis. The reason? Convicted genocidaires who have been implicated in the planning of the slaughter now reside out of contact with potential interviewers in a U.N.-sponsored prison in Mali.

We wanted to put questions to these planners, specifically to ask them what their goals were. Was the genocide plan an attempt at deterrence, an effort that the FAR leadership thought might keep the RPF at bay in Uganda and elsewhere? Did the FAR government actually hope for war, believing — incorrectly as it turned out — that it would win? Was the scale of the killing beyond its expectations? If so, why do FAR leaders believe events spun so badly out of control, compared to previous spasms of violence in the 1960s, ’70s and ’80s?

Unfortunately, the U.N. prosecutors in Tanzania told us they could not arrange a meeting with the convicted planners and killers, but we were free to go to Mali on our own. We were told we would probably get in to see the prisoners, but the prison is in the middle of nowhere, in a country where we had no contacts. We had to let go.

Even without access to convicted genocidaires, we continued to piece together what had happened in 1994 with the help of a grant from the National Science Foundation. The grant allowed us to be more ambitious in our pursuit of diverse informants who started popping up all over the globe, to refine our mapping and to explore alternative ways of generating estimates about what had taken place. While our understanding has advanced a great deal since our first days in Kigali, it is hard not to see irony in a current reality: Some of the most important information about what occurred in Rwanda in 1994 has been sent — by the very authorities responsible for investigating the violence and preventing its recurrence, in Rwanda and elsewhere — to an isolated prison, where it sits unexamined, like some artifact in the final scene of an Indiana Jones movie.

 

Published first on October 6, 2009 .

Rwanda’s political future, King Paul,A successful man with no successor

IN MANY ways Paul Kagame, the Rwandan president, is one of the most successful leaders in modern African history. He led an ethnic-Tutsi militia that in 1994 ended a genocide perpetrated by the Hutu majority. The guilty were punished in courts under a democratic government which he established, mostly without creating new injustices. Rwandans are healthier and better educated than ever. Business is booming, corruption minimal and foreign investors flock to the country.

Rwanda’s success is not just down to Mr Kagame but it is hard to imagine it without his disciplined and strategic presence. He has embraced modern management techniques (his generals and ministers are on a corporate retreat this week). So familiar is he with cutting-edge communications that he is likely to respond to this article from his Twitter account, as he has done many times before. Even his worst enemies would not suggest that Mr Kagame is seeking glory or riches.

And yet in one important respect he has failed. In history’s judgment, leaders are only as good as the successors they groom. Mr Kagame has sacked or chased away just about everyone around him who could take over. Some have fled the country and a few have died in mysterious circumstances; others went to prison. In Rwanda it feels inconceivable that anyone could replace Mr Kagame, who last year said that dissidents plotting against the government would “pay the price wherever they are.”

Such talk is symptomatic of a wider failure. The nation, and in particular the Tutsi minority, has yet to uncurl from the defensive crouch that was understandably assumed during the genocide. Ideas like political competition and free speech are distrusted, on grounds that they could open the back door to the génocidaires who fled abroad and have yet to repent. Mr Kagame “won” the last election with 93% of the vote and does not face another one until 2017. According to the constitution, drafted under his tutelage, he is not currently eligible to stand. But his minions are already seeding the ground for the removal of term limits. Almost daily articles in the media call on him to remain in office.

Yet what Rwanda needs is fresh blood at the top. Unitary rule breeds resentment, and there is a limit to how long one brilliant man can protect his people from renewed genocide. Independent institutions are the only thing that can keep the peace, and Mr Kagame has not done nearly enough to foster them.

Rwanda’s success has encouraged other violence-plagued nations to view it as a lodestar. Mr Kagame’s lesson is that tight political control is a key ingredient of development. At best that idea is open to abuse in the hands of less capable leaders. At worst it can lead people straight back to where they came from.

Source: The Economist, March 28, 2015.

Ikiganiro umunyamakuru Amiel Nkuliza yagiranye na Padiri Thomas Nahimana, umuyobozi w’Ishyaka «Ishema-Party»

Par:Amiel Nkuliza

Amiel Nkuriza

Mu mwaka wa 2017, abanyarwanda bazongera kwitorera umukuru w’igihugu, uzayobora u Rwanda mu gihe cy’imyaka irindwi. Bamwe mu bakandida baziyamamariza uyu mwanya, baravugwa mo uwitwa Nahimana Thomas. Uyu akaba azaba ari umukandida udasanzwe mu Rwanda, kuko ni ubwa mbere uwihaye Imana azaba agerageje kwiyambura ikanzu y’ubupadiri, akinjira muri politiki.

Padiri Nahimana avuga ko yiyemeje gukora politiki, imirimo isanzwe ya paruwasi akayishyira ku ruhande, kuko itabangikanywa na politiki. Ati «Si ugusubira inyuma mu nshingano niyemeje yo kwitangira abantu, ahubwo  ni intambwe ndende nateye mu kwitagatifuza kuko bigaragara ko niteguye kuba namena n’amaraso yanjye, mparanira ubwigenge bwa rubanda, mu gihe kwibera padiri mu Bufaransa nta cyago na gito byajyaga kunkururira ! Ubu ndizera ndashidikanya ko Mutagatifu Thomas More, umurinzi w’Abanyapolitiki, amvuganira mu ijuru buri munsi !»

Padiri Thomas Nahimana ni umupadiri ukiri mutoya, ubarizwa muri Kiliziya Gatolika, muri Diyosezi ya Cyangugu. Ugereranyije na bagenzi be bashingiye amashyaka ya politiki mu buhungiro, Nahimana ni we muto cyane, mu myaka. Ntaruzuza na 45.

Aho atandukaniye n’uwo bazahangana mu matora, ushobora kuba uwari usanzweho, ni uko we yaminuje muri za kaminuza zitandukanye. Ntarangwa mo ibitekerezo by’ishyamba, nk’uyu mugenzi we. Aramutse atowe, akayobora u Rwanda muri Roho Mutagatifu, nta gushidikanya ko ari we Abanyarwanda, bagize umubare munini mu bemera Yezu Kristu, baba bakeneye muri iki gihe.

Mu rwego rwo kwimenyereza ikibuga azakinira mo, we n’Ikipe bazajyana mu Rwanda, igizwe n’abaturutse mu ishyaka rye ndetse n’andi mashyaka yemeye kwifatanya na we, ngo bazaba basesekaye i Kigali ku wa 28 mutarama 2016.

Aho abarizwa ubu mu mujyi wa Le Havre, mu gihugu cy’Ubufaransa, twaramwegereye, maze atumara amatsiko ku bibazo bikomeye agiye guhura na byo, ibibazo byugarije u Rwanda n’Abanyarwanda muri rusange.

Amiel NKULIZA: Ishyaka ryanyu ryatangaje ko ryatanze umukandida, ari we wowe, mu matora y’umukuru w’igihugu, azaba mu mwaka wa 2017. Ni byo koko uzajya kwiyamamariza uwo mwanya ?

Padiri NAHIMANA Thomas: Ntawe ukwiye kubishidikanyaho, nzagenda. Abanyarwanda bari ku ngoyi y’iterabwoba, bakeneye kubona ko hakiri abasore n’inkumi bakwemera kwitangira guharanira kurengera uburenganzira bwa rubanda rugufi, ikomeje gukandamizwa bitavugwa. Akaga k’abaturage niko kanjye. Njyewe ubwanjye mvuka muri rubanda rugufi, umusonga wabo ukomeje kumbuza gusinzira. Nzajya mu Rwanda rero. Narabyiyemeje, narabyiteguye, nta kizambuza kujyayo. Kandi sinzagenda njyenyine.

A.NK: Waba warabitewe n’iki gutekereza kwiyambura umwambaro w’abihaye Imana, ugahita mo undi mwambaro w’abanyapolitiki ?

Padiri N.T: Mu by’ukuri sinavuga ko niyambuye umwambaro w’abihayimana. Ahubwo nahisemo kuwambariraho uwo guharanira inyungu rusange z’Abanyarwanda. Kwiha Imana ni ugutanga umutima wawe wose, ubwenge bwawe bwose, n’umubiri wawe wose kugira ngo witangire umukiro wa rubanda, ubayobore inzira y’ijuru. Ku buryo bw’umwihariko, umupadiri akorera mu gace ka Kiliziya kitwa paruwasi bamuhaye gukoramo ubutumwa.

Muri iki gihe u Rwanda ruri mu bibazo bikomeye biterwa n’ingoma y’igitugu ikabije, ntibyoroshye kubwiriza abantu ibyerekeye ingoma y’ijuru mu gihe bicwa n’inzara, bafungirwa ubusa, bakubitwa, bacunaguzwa, bavangurwa, bicwa nk’ibisimba…..Abaromani babivuze neza ngo burya « roho nziza itura mu mubiri mwiza » (Mens sana in corpore sano) !

Niyo mpamvu kwitangira kurengera igihugu cyose nk’umunyapolitiki bitambukije agaciro kwitangira paruwasi imwe gusa nk’umupadiri. Umushumba wa Kiliziya Gatolika, Papa Francis aherutse kubishishikariza Abihayimana agira, ati « kwitangira gukora umurimo wa politiki ni yo nzira  isumba izindi yo kuba umuhamya w’urukundo rwa gikirisitu ».

Ndagira ngo byumvikane uko biri : mu kwiyemeza gukora politiki, imirimo isanzwe ya paruwasi nkaba nyishyize ku ruhande kuko itabangikanywa na politiki, si ugusubira inyuma mu nshingano niyemeje yo kwitangira abantu, ahubwo ni intambwe ndende nateye mu kwitagatifuza kuko bigaragara ko niteguye kuba namena n’amaraso yanjye mparanira ubwigenge bwa rubanda, mu gihe kwibera padiri mu Bufaransa nta cyago na gito byajyaga kunkururira ! Ubu ndizera ndashidikanya ko Mutagatifu Thomas More, umurinzi w’Abanyapolitiki, amvuganira mu ijuru buri munsi !

A.NK. : Mu mwaka w’1998, naganiriye n’uwitwa Bonaventure Ubalijoro, wahoze ari umuyobozi w’ishyaka MDR, ambwira ko icyo yari afungiwe icyo gihe byari ugusaba ko mu Rwanda habaho amatora. None nawe wagwa mu mutego nk’uwo Ubalijoro yaguye mo icyo gihe, cyane cyane ko byaje no kumuvira mo urupfu rudasobanutse ?

«Mu gihe tubona akaga Abanyarwanda barimo kubera ubutegetsi bwa Kagame bwitwara nka cyami, bukaba bwarimitse ivangura, iterabwoba, ikinyoma n’ukwikubira ibyiza byose by’igihugu, ntibikwiye ko twese « twahuukwa », tukazingira imirizo mu maguru,….tukemerera Kagame wenyine gukomeza kwishuka ko u Rwanda ari umunani yasigiwe na se, ngo awugenge uko abyishakiye !», P. Nahimana.

Padiri N.T: Politiki ni intambara nk’izindi. Kuyishoramo wibwira ko udashobora kuyikomerekeramo byaba ari ukujijwa bikomeye. Ukwitanga kwa Ubalijoro gufite agaciro gakomeye. Guharanira ko habaho « AMATORA » bivuga kurwanira gusubiza rubanda ijambo, kuko ubutegetsi bwose buturuka kuri rubanda, nk’uko ingingo ya 2 y’Itegekonshinga ryo muri 2003 u Rwanda rugenderaho, ibyemeza. Ntabwo u Rwanda rukiri ingoma ya cyami, rumaze imyaka irenga 53 ari Repubulika. Muri Repubulika ubutegetsi butangwa na rubanda, binyuze mu matora adafifitse. Nanone ariko tuzi ko guhera mu 1994, u Rwanda rwongeye kuyoborwa nka cyami na gihake, hagarutse abantu bibwira ko bavukiye gutegeka, abandi benegihugu bakaba bagomba kubabera abagaragu !

Ubusanzwe, indangagaciro y’ibanze itegerejwe ku munyapolitiki, ni UBUTWARI. Kandi ubutwari bivuga « gutinyuka ». Mu gihe tubona akaga Abanyarwanda barimo kubera ubutegetsi bwa Kagame bwitwara nka cyami, bukaba bwarimitse ivangura, iterabwoba, ikinyoma n’ukwikubira ibyiza byose by’igihugu, ntibikwiye ko twese « twahuukwa », tukazingira imirizo mu maguru,….tukemerera Kagame wenyine gukomeza kwishuka ko u Rwanda ari umunani yasigiwe na se, ngo awugenge uko abyishakiye !

Njye rero n’Abataripfana dusanga natwe dukwiye kwitanga nka Ubalijoro, tutirengajije ko uwo duhanganye yagaragaje ubugome bukabije mu gihe cyahise. Gusa mu gihe tuzi neza ko turwanira ukuri kwakiza Abanyarwanda bose, tuzi neza ko ukwiyemeza kwacu ariko kuzafasha  rubanda kwibyaramo ingufu zashyigura ingoma y’igitugu, nk’uko byagenze no mu yandi mahanga, mu minsi ishize.

A.NK : Nyuma ya Ubalijoro hari abandi banyapolitiki bashatse guhirika ubutegetsi bwa FPR bakoresheje amatora, birananirana. Aba bari mo Faustin Twagiramungu wabigerageje mu matora yo muri 2003, na madame Victoire Ingabire mu mwaka wa 2010. Twagiramungu, bivugwa ko yari yatsinze ayo matora, nyuma yayo gato yavuye mu gihugu shishi itabona kuko ubutegetsi yashakaga guhirika bwari bugiye kumuhitana. Madame Ingabire na we, urabizi ko nta kindi azira muri iki gihe uretse ayo matora yashakaga guhangana mo na Kagame, muri 2010. Ni iki gishya wowe ufite gituma utahura n’ibibazo bagenzi bawe bombi bahuye na byo ?

Padiri N.T: Burya rero ishingiro rya politiki ni UKWEMERA. Iyo ntacyo wemera nta n’icyo ugeraho.  Njye nabaye mu Rwanda ruyobowe na FPR kuva mu 1994 kugera mu 2005. Njye mbabwiye ko impinduka ishoboka muri ruriya Rwanda. Abantu ibihumbi bibiri gusa  babyumvise nk’uko mbyiyumvamo, ruriya Rwanda twarwambura FPR, indangare ntizisobanukirwe.

Uragira uti Nyakubahwa Faustin Twagiramungu yari yatsinze amatora yo mu 2003. Nibyo rwose. Kandi narabikurikiranye bya hafi kuko icyo gihe nari nyoboye ikipe y’indorerezi mu rwego rwa Kiliziya gatolika. Nzi neza uko byagenze. Twari dufite raporo y’uko byagenze mu gihugu cyose.  Icyo gihe (2003), abaturage bashoboye gusuzugura iterabwoba rikaze ryari ribari hejuru, bitorera Twagiramungu ! Iryo ni isomo rikomeye kuri ba bandi bishuka ngo mu Rwanda abaturage ntacyo bishoboreye, ngo ntacyo bakora, ngo bakutse umutima, ngo ntibatinyuka kwivumbura….Barihenda ni umwana w’umunyarwanda ! Ahubwo se Twagiramungu yakoresheje iki iyo ntsinzi rubanda yari imuhaye ? Icyo ni ikindi kibazo kijyanye na « organisation » y’umukandida n’abo bafatanyaga. Yenda koko aho niho hakwiye kunozwa.  Njye mfata ko amatora yo muri 2003 ari ikizami cyari gihawe abaturage, kandi baragitsinze : abaturage barahari, baracyahumeka, kugezwa kure siko gupfa ! Rubanda irahari kandi  yiteguye kugira icyo yakora iramutse ibonye abalideri bitanga kandi « bazi gupanga ibintu  neza ». Kwibwa amajwi nabyo bishobora kubonerwa umuti !

«Victoire Ingabire yabaye nka wa mugabo umwe ugerwa kuri nyina ! Ntiyafashijwe bihagije (..). Hakwiye kuboneka abakomeza ikivi cyatangiwe na Faustin Twagiramungu na Victoire Ingabire. Ubutegetsi bwubakiye ku iterabwoba buhimwa n’ikintu kimwe gusa : KUBUTINYUKA.», P. Nahimana.

Ku byerekeye amatora yo muri 2010, twe dusanga ari ikizami cyari gihawe abalideri ba Opozisiyo kandi uwagitsinzwe si Victoire Ingabire. We yaratinyutse, aritanga, kandi ukwitanga kwe ntikwapfuye ubusa. Ubu ndahamya ko mu rwego rwa politiki Victoire Ingabire afite agaciro gakubye incuro 20 ako yagiye mu Rwanda afite ! Ahubwo ikibazo ni ukumenya ngo ako gaciro tukabyaze uwuhe musaruro ? Aha nyine ntitwakwirengagiza ko Victoire Ingabire yabaye nka wa mugabo umwe ugerwa kuri nyina ! Ntiyafashijwe bihagije. Abashaka kumva neza igikorwa cyacu bahera aho ngaho. Hakwiye kuboneka abakomeza ikivi cyatangiwe na Faustin Twagiramungu na Victoire Ingabire. Ubutegetsi bwubakiye ku iterabwoba buhimwa n’ikintu kimwe gusa : KUBUTINYUKA.

Umwaka wa 2017 uzazana ibyawo. Ubu Kagame afite ibibazo bye bitamworoheye, atari afite muri 2003 no muri 2010. Manda yemererwa n’Itegekonshinga zararangiye, ubu agomba gukora ibidakorwa kugira ngo akunde yongere yiyamamaze. Muri 2017, iminsi izaba yararangije kumugaragaza ! Rubanda nayo ifite uko yakomeje kwihanganira AKARENGANE igirirwa, ariko kwihangana bigira iherezo. Igihe kirageze ngo abamaze imyaka isaga 20 ku butegetsi bibutswe ko u Rwanda atari akarima k’ « Agatsiko gato k’indobanure z’ Abassajya » bibwira ko aribo banyarwanda bonyine.  2017  izababera ihurizo ritoroshye.

A.NK : Twagiramungu na Ingabire si bo bonyine bagerageje guhirika ubutegetsi bwa FPR bakoresheje inzira ya demukarasi. Perezida Pasteur Bizimungu na mugenzi we Charles Ntakirutinka, na bo bashinze ishyaka PDR-Ubuyanja, bashaka kuzaryihisha inyuma mu matora yo muri 2003. Pasteur Bizimungu ibyo yabifungiwe imyaka itanu, naho Ntakirutinka abifungirwa imyaka icumi. Ntitwakwibagirwa na Maitre Bernard Ntaganda ndetse na Déo Mushayidi na bo bazize amashyaka bashinze, Ntaganda nyuma yo gufungurwa akaba atemerewe gusohoka mu gihugu, naho Mushayidi we bikaba byaramuviriye mo gufungwa ubuzima bwe bwose. Mukeka ko iyi nzira y’amatora bagenzi banyu bose bagerageje ikananirana, ishoboka mu gihugu kiyobowe n’intagondwa z’abatutsi ba FPR ?

Padiri N.T: Uburenganzira buraharanirwa. Nta hantu na hamwe ku isi abaturage baba bahabwa uburenganzira bwabo batabuharaniye, ndetse byaba ngombwa bagatanga n’ibitambo. Ubutegetsi bw’intagondwa ntibuba mu Rwanda gusa. Imiterere yabwo n’imikorere yabwo irazwi. Intege nke zabwo nazo zirazwi, si ibanga. Kuba abategeka u Rwanda muri iki gihe badashaka amatora bizamara igihe kingana n’ukwihangana kw’Abanyarwanda. Umunsi abaturage babirambiwe bakiyemeza kubihindura, bizahinduka. Twe turifuza ko amatora yo muri 2017 yakwandika indi taliki itazibagirana mu mateka y’u Rwanda, italiki yo guhangamura ingoma y’igitugu, igasimburwa n’ubutegetsi bwubakiye ku mahame ya demokarasi.

Naho abo uvuga bitanze barwanya politiki y’igitugu ya FPR, lisiti yabo iracyiyongera, ariko abo bose ni ibitambo bidateze gupfa ubusa. Rubanda ijya imenya kugororera abayirwanyeho, mu gihe gikwiye.

A.NK: Abanyapolitiki bashaka guhirika FPR ku butegetsi umuntu ashobora gukeka ko hari ibihugu by’amahanga biba bibashyigikiye, cyane cyane ko abenshi muri mwe muba muturutse hanze y’u Rwanda. Nyuma y’imyaka 10 uri mu gihugu cy’Ubufaransa, hari icyo icyo gihugu cyakwijeje, kiyongera ku majwi y’abazagutora ?

Padiri N.T: Nta banga ribirimo, ibihugu byose byo ku isi biharanira inyungu zabyo mbere y’iz’Abanyarwanda, kandi ni uburenganzira bwabyo. Muri iki gihugu kiducumbikiye abategetsi bacyo banyuranye turaganira, yewe si nabo bonyine kuko hari n’ab’ibindi bihugu tuganira. Bazi neza ibibera mu Rwanda kurusha uko tubitekereza. Bahora bacunga uko tuzamuka mu ngufu, bagakenera no kumenya neza icyo duteganya gukora. Nzi neza ko bakurikira. Ntibashobora kuzaba indorerezi ubuziraherezo, mu gihe gikwiye nabo bazerekana aho bahagaze. Nabo bafite inyungu bakeneye kurengera. Ngayo, nguko.

A.NK: Turi  mu kwezi kw’icyunamo twibuka mo imyaka 21 génocide ibaye mu gihugu. Kubera iyo génocide ubutegetsi bwa FPR bwita génocide yakorewe abatutsi gusa, igihugu cyuzuye mo inzibutso ziri mo ibisigazwa by’imibiri yitwa ko ari iy’abatutsi bishwe muri mata 1994. Ama raporo menshi yakozwe n’impuguke yemeza ko mu Rwanda hatapfuye abatutsi gusa mu gihe cya génocide, ko n’abahutu batavugaga rumwe n’ubutegetsi bwa Habyarimana, bayiguyemo. Izi mpuguke zinemeza ko génocide yabaye mu Rwanda itari ikwiye kwitwa génocide y’abatutsi gusa, ko ahubwo yari ikwiye kwitwa génocide nyarwanda. Wowe wemera génocide ifite iyihe nyito ?

«Kwibuka abacu BOSE niryo jambo rubanda ikeneye kubwirwa kandi niryo rikwiye kuba ishingiro ry’ubwiyunge bw’Abanyarwanda (…). Kwibuka Abatutsi bishwe nta cyaha kirimo ndetse rwose birakwiye. Ariko gufata ingufu z’igihugu cyose zigashyirwa mu kwibuka no gufasha Abatutsi BONYINE ndetse hakemezwa ko nta bihumbi amagana by’Abahutu n’Abatwa bishwe, niho hari ubushake BUBI bwo gukomeza guteranya Abanyarwanda, hagamijwe gusenya igihugu. Icyo cyaha kirakomeye cyane, ntabwo Kagame ateze kukibabarirwa na rubanda. Umunsi umwe azabyumva, kandi azicuza», P. Nahimana.

Padiri N.T: Aha ntabwo ari ikibazo cyo kwemera. Ntabwo ntegetswe kwemera inyito iyi cyangwa iriya mu gihe nzi neza n’ibindi bitarahabwa inyito kandi nyamara biriho. Hari ukuri tuzi kandi twiboneye n’amaso yacu, hari n’inyito abantu bagerageza kubiha mu nyungu za bamwe. Abishwe bose ni Abanyarwanda kandi ntibagombaga kwicwa. Ababigizemo uruhare BOSE bagomba kubibazwa, haba ejo cyangwa ejobundi. Icyakora ibyabaye mu Rwanda ntibyakwirwa mu nyito ya « Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi ». Ibyiswe gutyo ni igice kimwe cy’ishyano ryashyikiye Abanyarwanda. Reka twongere tubyiyibutse.

Uko umutwe wa FPR wateye u Rwanda taliki ya 1/10/1990 ushaka kwifatira ubutegetsi bwose, hari ubihakana ? Uko Inkotanyi zaje zisogota Abanyarwanda uhereye ku mupaka wa Uganda ukazageza i Cyangugu, hari ubiyobewe ? Uko Perezida Habyarimana n’abo bari kumwe mu ndege bahanuwe taliki ya 6/4/1994, bikaba intandaro yo kurimbura ibihumbi amagana by’Abanyarwanda b’inzirakarengane, hari utabizi ? Uko abiswe « Interahamwe » bahutse mu bana, abakecuru n’abasaza b’Abatutsi n’Abahutu batavugaga rumwe n’ubutegetsi, bakabatemagura ku manywa na nijoro, hari uwabihakana ? Uko Kagame n’ingabo ze bishe abihayimana i Gakurazo, bakarimbura abari mu nkambi ya Kibeho, bakambuka umupaka bakarimbura impunzi z’Abahutu zari mu nkambi muri Repubulika iharanira demokarsi ya Kongo, hari ugikeneye kubibarirwa ?….

Kwibuka abacu BOSE niryo jambo rubanda ikeneye kubwirwa kandi niryo rikwiye kuba ishingiro ry’ubwiyunge bw’Abanyarwanda. Gusa uko Paul Kagame na FPR babyitwaramo, birimo ikibazo gikomeye. Kwibuka Abatutsi bishwe nta cyaha kirimo ndetse rwose birakwiye.  Ariko gufata ingufu z’igihugu cyose zigashyirwa mu kwibuka no gufasha Abatutsi BONYINE ndetse hakemezwa ko nta bihumbi amagana by’Abahutu n’Abatwa bishwe, niho hari ubushake BUBI bwo gukomeza guteranya Abanyarwanda, hagamijwe gusenya igihugu. Icyo cyaha kirakomeye cyane, ntabwo Kagame ateze kukibabarirwa na rubanda. Umunsi umwe azabyumva, kandi azicuza.

A.NK : Kuri iki kibazo kijyanye na génocide, ndashaka kugaruka kuri iriya mibiri ishinyagurirwa mu nzibutso z’u Rwanda. Mu muco wacu, iyo umuntu yitabye Imana arashyingurwa, aho kwanikwa ku gasozi. Ukudashyingura abo bantu Leta y’u Rwanda ibyita kubibuka. Uko kwibuka kwa buri mwaka wowe ukubona ute, kugamije iki ?

«Abantu ku giti cyabo bazahabwa uburenganzira bwo gushyingura ababo no gukora imihango yo kubibuka uko babyifuza. Ubutegetsi buvangura abapfuye ntacyo bushobora kumarira abazima», P. Nahimana.

Padiri N.T: Uko bikorwa na FPR, ukwibuka kwa buri mwaka, kumara iminsi IJANA YOSE, nta kindi kintu kizima kugamije uretse gucirira iterabwoba, guhembera umujinya no gukomeza gushishikariza Abanyarwanda kwangana. FPR ikeneye gukomeza gukura umutima Abanyarwanda bose no gupyinagaza abo yita ba Nyamwinshi kugira ngo ibone uko yihambira ku butegetsi. Ingengabitekerezo ya FPR ni aha yubakiye.

Umunsi Ishyaka Ishema ryahawe icyizere na rubanda, rikagera ku butegetsi, ikibazo cyo kwibuka kizakemurwa mu ikubitiro. Hazubakwa Urwibutso rumwe rukumbi rushyingurwemo (mu butaka) ibisigazwa by’Abanyarwanda bose bazize uriya mwiryane, bakaba banamye mu nzibutso no mu mashyamba. Urwo rwibutso ruzitwa « Ingoro y’Ubwiyunge bw’ Abanyarwanda » cyangwa« Temple de la Réconciliation ». Kwibuka mu rwego rw’igihugu bizakorwa ku italiki imwe ngarukamwaka, izagenwa n’inzengo zibishinzwe. Abantu ku giti cyabo bazahabwa uburenganzira bwo gushyingura ababo no gukora imihango yo kubibuka uko babyifuza. Ubutegetsi buvangura abapfuye ntacyo bushobora kumarira abazima.

A.NK: Bimwe mu byaha bihejeje madame Ingabire muri gereza, ni uko yavugiye ku rwibutso rwa Gisozi ko ari byiza ko igihugu kibuka génocide yakorewe abatutsi, ariko anibaza igihe hazibukirwa n’abahutu bishwe muri iyo génocide. Wowe waba uteganya kuzasura inzibutso z’u Rwanda nugera mu gihugu, mu mwaka utaha ? Icyo kibazo Ingabire yibajije, nawe waba uteganya kuzakibaza muri mitingi zawe zo kwiyamamaza ?

Padiri N.T: Mu by’ukuri ntabwo Ingabire Victoire azira iriya mvugo cyangwa kuba yaribajije kiriya kibazo ! Kubyemera gutyo byaba ari ukwirengangiza kamere nyakuri ya Paul Kagame n’imikorere ya FPR Inkotanyi ! Ingabire Victoire arazira ubutwari yagize bwo gutinyuka kujya mu gihugu guharanira uburenganzira bwa rubanda ikandamijwe n’Agatsiko kibwira ko u Rwanda ari umunani wako konyine. Icyo cyaha cya Victoire kirakomeye mu maso ya FPR.

Mu kwiyemeza kugera ikirenge mu cya Victoire Ingabire tukajya mu Rwanda umwaka utaha, birumvikana ko tudategereje kwakiranwa ubwuzu na Kagame n’agatsiko ke. Nyamara ibyo ntibishobora kuduca intege, natwe twiteguye kujyayo kuko ari cyo gikorwa gikwiye muri iki gihe. Nicyo cyemezo cyonyine FPR itinya kandi amaherezo nicyo kizayihenangura, ni ukuri kw’ Imana ! Haba ejo, haba ejobundi, FPR izatsindwa ruhenu.

A.NK : Mu nyandiko ye yo muri gashyantare 2008 (Le peuple rwandais crie justice) yashyikirije Umuryango w’Abibumbye, Déo Mushayidi yemeje ko génocide yabaye mu Rwanda yateguriwe muri Uganda, mu mwaka w’1989. Ibyo byongera kwemezwa n’undi mwanditsi, Noheli Ndanyuzwe, mu gitabo cye cyitwa La guerre mondiale africaine. Ko ubutegetsi ugiye guhangana na bwo mu matora yo muri 2017 bwo bwemeza ko génocide yateguwe n’abahutu, abenshi bakaba bakinabifungiwe, wowe génocide yo mu Rwanda wemeza ko yateguwe na nde, gute, ryari, kubera iki ?

Padiri N.T: Déogratias Mushayidi yagize neza gutanga ubuhamya bw’ibyo yahagazeho. Noheli Ndanyuzwe na we akwiye gushimirwa ko yakoze ubushakashatsi bushobora kumurikira Abanyarwanda.

Gusa rero, « Jenoside » ntabwo ariyo « programme politique » y’ishyaka Ishema ry’u Rwanda. Hari ibikorwa byinshi duteganya gukora bwangu mu rwego rwo kuzahura igihugu, kurenganura abarenganye no guha Abanyarwanda bose amahirwe yo kwibagirwa imyaka isaga 25 bamaze mu iterabwoba, agahinda n’umujinya ukururwa n’Akarengane. Ibyo nibyo Abanyarwanda bategereje ko mbagezaho kandi nibyo nzakora.

Muri ibyo,  bazaba bakeneye ko tubabwira ko nituramuka tugeze ku butegetsi tuzakora ibishoboka byose ubutabera bw’inkiko bukagirwa ishingiro ry’ukwiyunga kw’abanyarwanda. Abagize uruhare mu kwica abanyarwanda bakazagira uko babibazwa. Byumvikane ko kugeza ubu hari igice kimwe gusa cyaryojwe ibyabaye byose, mu gihe abaturutse Uganda bo bigaramiye ! Twese Imana yaturemye tureshya kandi abanyarwanda nyine bagomba kureshya imbere y’amategeko y’igihugu. Buri wese azabazwe ibyo yakoze. Nibwo butabera. Niwo muti w’ikibazo cya Jenoside.

A. NK: Aba banditsi bombi (Déo Mushayidi na Noheli Ndanyuzwe) bemeza ko abateguye génocide yo mu Rwanda bashakaga guhanagura icyitwa umuhutu mu karere k’ibiyaga bigari, bagashyiraho ibyo bitaga «Empire Hamite», ni ukuvuga agahugu k’abatutsi gusa. Byumvikane neza ko hari ibihugu bifite ijambo ku isi byari inyuma y’iki cyifuzo, ibi kubera inyungu byabonaga mu karere k’ibiyaga bigari. Nujya mu Rwanda ko uzaba ukomotse muri kimwe muri ibyo bihugu bifata ibyemezo bikomeye ku isi, hari icyo waba waremereye bamwe mu bayobozi b’aho uvuye, nuramuka ugeze ku butegetsi ?

Padiri N.T: Uko ibitabo byandikwa hari icyo mbiziho. Umuntu agira igitekerezo cy’ingenzi (thèse) yubakiraho ubutumwa ashaka kugeza ku bantu. Nk’umunyapolitiki ndasoma, ndetse cyane. Gusa ibyo dusoma byose, si amahame adakuka, nta n’ubwo ari ubuhanuzi bujya mu bikorwa byanze bikunze. Niba hari abanyapolitiki bafite umushinga wo kubaka Empire hamite, iyo nyine ni gahunda yabo. Icyaba kibabaje ni uko habura abandi Banyapolitiki babona ko uwo mushinga ari « dangereux » noneho ngo nabo bahaguruke bitangire kuwuhagarika no  gutanga undi mushinga utarimbura abenegihugu.

Mvugishije ukuri, ntabwo nemera  ibyo bita « théories du complot » ! =Guhora abantu baririmba ngo TWARAGAMBANIWE ! Icyo abakwiza « théories » nk’izi bageraho  ni uguca abaturage intege, bumvishwa ko bo ntacyo bishoboreye kubera ko bagambaniwe n’abanyamaboko.

Erega bariya ba Kagame si ibimanuka nk’uko bamwe bashaka kubitwemeza, ni abantu tuzi amavu n’amavuko ! Ni abanyarwanda nka twe. Bigiriye ingorane zo kuvuka mu gihe cy’impinduka zikomeye no gukurira mu nkambi z’impunzi. Kandi noneho ubu twese tuzi neza icyo bisobanura kuvukira no gukurira mu mashyamba no mu nkambi ! Babyirutse bicengezamo urwango rukomeye rw’abo bafataga nk’«abadamaraye », ni ukuvuga abahutu n’abatutsi biberaga mu Rwanda. Akaba ari nayo mpamvu mu by’ukuri ukurimbuka kw’Abahutu n’Abatutsi bagumye mu Rwanda, nta mpuhwe kwigeze gutera  Kagame n’agatsiko ke.

Ba Kagame abo, babayeho mu buzima bugoye bw’ubuhungiro, bamaze kuba ingimbi, batangira gushakisha ubundi buryo babaho. Ni muri urwo rwego, bafashe icyemezo cyo kwishora mu ntambara zinyuranye zari mu bihugu duturanye. Benshi muri urwo rubyiruko bahasize ubuzima ntibavugwa kuko amateka yandikwa n’abarokotse kugira ngo biyite ibihangange ! Ba Kagame bagiye gutera u Rwanda batabibwirijwe n’Abanyamerika cyangwa Abongereza ! Nibo babyitekerereje, barabipanga neza, barabyitegura, barangije  bishyira ku isoko. Kuba barabonye inkunga y’ibihugu by’amahanga si uko byari bibaciye urukundo cyangwa ubundi bumanzi. Inkunga bahawe bayikesheje ya « principe » twavuze haruguru y’uko ibihugu by’amahanga biharanira inyungu zabyo mbere y’iz’Abanyarwanda. Ayo mahanga yarapimye asanga kurekura Habyarimana wari umaze imyaka hafi 20 ku butegetsi no gufasha ba Kagame, aribyo bibafitiye urwunguko nibura mu myaka 25 yari igiye kuza. Ni uko byagenze. Abashyira imbere «théories» za «twaragambaniwe», bityo akaba nta kindi cyakorwa, ni abanditsi b’ibitabo gusa, si abanyapolitiki !

Igikwiye ni uko twakwicara tugatekereza bihagije, tugahaguruka, tugashyira mu bikorwa ibyo twapanze bigamije kuzahura igihugu cyacu n’umuturage wacu akagira icyo yinjiza, aho kwirirwa mu marira ngo TWARAGAMBANIWE ! Uwafashije Kagame ntacyo bapfana, nta n’icyo apfa na Padiri Thomas Nahimana. Gusa tumenye ko nta cy’ubu cy’ubusa ! Umuzungu azagufasha kubera ko na we yabonye ko hari icyo azakuramo ! None se ibyo Kagame aha uwo muzungu hari ubwo abikura mu isambu ya se ?! Iyaba Kagame yibukaga rubanda rugufi, nta mahane twakwirirwa tumuteraho. Icyo dupfa ni icyo, nta kindi.

A.NK: Igihugu cy’Ubufaransa uzaba uvuyemo ugiye kwiyamamaza mu Rwanda, kiregwa na Leta y’u Rwanda gutegura, gufatanya, no gufasha abahutu bakoze génocide mu mwaka w’1994. Nta mpungenge ufite z’uko na we wazaregwa ko ushyigikiwe n’Ubufaransa mu gushakisha uburyo wahirika ubutegetsi bwa FPR, wihishe inyuma y’amatora ?

Padiri N.T: Ukubaho kw’imishwi ntiguturuka ku mpuhwe z’agaca ! FPR ifite uburambe mu gutekinika ibyaha, n’abatavuye mu Bufaransa irabibabonera. Twabonye ko ishoboye gushinja ibyaha bya jenoside n’abari baripfiriye mbere y’1990 !

Icyo mbivugaho ni uko ibyo byo gutekinika amadosiye ataribyo byazimya ikibatsi twiyumvamo cyo guharanira ukwishyira ukizana kwa buri mwenegihugu. Umucamanza ungenga ni umutimanama wanjye wonyine : nta maraso y’abanyarwanda anjejeta ku biganza kandi nta bya rubanda nasahuye. Abahimba ibyaha ni akazi kabo, si akanjye. Ariko hari igihe nyine amanyanga azabashirana, nta gahora gahanze. Amaherezo ukuri kuzatsinda ikinyoma.

A. NK: Hari ababona ko ukwiyemeza kujya guhangana na Kagame mu matora yo muri 2017 ari ukumushyigikira. Hari n’ababona ko ari uburyo bwo kubaka «carrière politique» yawe yo mu gihe kizaza, kuko ibyo gutsinda amatora yo muri 2017 ngo biri kure nk’ukwezi. Wasubiza iki kuri ibi bibazo byombi abantu benshi bakwibazaho muri iki gihe ?

Padiri N.T: Kwiyemeza kujya guhangana na Kagame si ibintu bisanzwe, niyo mpamvu abantu batabura kubyibazaho. Gusa tujye tureka kwigiza nkana. Kagame ntakeneye gushyigikirwa na Padiri Thomas Nahimana muri 2017 kugira ngo akunde ayobore u Rwanda, kuko amaze imyaka isaga 20 ku butegetsi ! Kureka Kagame ngo akine wenyine byavugwa n’abatazi ibya politiki cyangwa abikunda bikabije, kuko mu by’ukuri guhunga ikibuga twabiterwa no kwitinyira ngo tutagirirwa nabi. Ibyo rero bifite icyo bipfana no kugambanira abaturage mu gukomeza kubagabiza uriya munyagitugu wenyine ngo akomeze abacure bufuni na buhoro. Nibura iyo hagize n’ukangara,  hari igihe ubutegetsi bw’igitugu bworoshya ingoyi, abaturage bagahumekaho nibura icyumweru kimwe. Nabyo si ubusa rero. Ntabwo abanyapolitiki bafasha rubanda iyo bari ku butegetsi gusa. N’iyo bari muri opozisiyo (contre-pouvoir) baba bafite ubushobozi bwo kuvuganira rubanda bikomeye. Niyo mpamvu abitanze kugeza ubu ari abo gushimwa, n’ubwo umusaruro wabo utagaragarira bose.

Naho ku byerekeye gutsinda amatora yo muri 2017, byo ndabona abemeza ko bidashoboka,  baba bihuse cyane ! Kuki se bidashoboka ? Nanone kandi amatora aramutse abayeho, akaba mu mucyo, tukayatsindwa, ikibazo cyaba kiri he ko rubanda yaba yakoze akazi kayo ko kwerekana uwo yishakiye ko ayiyobora ? Icyo turwanira ubu ni uko habaho amatora adafifitse. Ayo nabaho, umurimo wacu w’ingenzi tuzaba tuwutunganyije.

A.NK: Uramutse ugize ibyago ugatsinda aya matora, wamenya utegekana ute n’agatsiko k’abasirikari b’intagondwa z’abatutsi zibona ko nta muhutu uzongera gutegeka u Rwanda bibaho ? Ibi ndabivuga kubera ko ubwo Twagiramungu yiyamamazaga, Général Ibingira yamubwiye ko natorwa, azamwiyicira. Witeguye kuba igitambo cya demukarasi ukiri mutoya ?

Padiri N.T: Wowe uti gutsinda amatora ni ibyago. Bene ibyo byago birakampama ! Erega politiki niyo ibanza, ibindi bigakurikira. Abasore n’inkumi bari mu ngabo z’u Rwanda bose si ba IBINGIRA. Barimo ab’inyangamugayo. Dufite amakuru y’uko babayeho, ntituyobewe ko akaga k’itererabwoba ry’agatsiko nabo kabaremereye, nk’uko karemereye abaturage b’abasivili.

Muri make rero nagusubiza ngira nti ingufu zizaba zatumye dutsinda ayo matora kandi bikemerwa, nizo zizanadufasha gukora « réformes » zose zikenewe kugira ngo igihugu kibe « gouvernable ». Erega abo ba IBINGIRA barazwi, n’amahano bakoze ntawe uyayobewe.  Nta we bakwiye gutera ubwoba kuko nta kindi baricyo uretse kuba ibiremwa bya « système » izaba icyuye igihe ! Ubundi kandi ba IBINGIRA abo ngabo bakagombye kuba bari mu kiruhuko cy’izabukuru. Nidutsinda amatora bitarakorwa,  tuzabibafashamo bidatinze.

A.NK: Ubwo Twagiramungu yajyaga kwiyamamaza muri 2003, bagenzi be bo muri opposition ntibashyigikiye icyemezo yari yafashe. Wowe waba waramaze kuvugana n’abagize iyo opposition iba hanze ? Aha wenda navuga nka Twagiramungu wakunze kukujomba ibikwasi ko ibyo urimo ari amaraso ya gisore, asa wenda n’ushaka kuvuga ko utazi urugutegereje nugera mu Rwanda.

Padiri N.T: Byaba byiza kurushaho Opozisiyo yose ishoboye kumva ko, muri iki gihe,  nta yindi nzira ifatika dufite yo guhangana n’ubutegetsi bwa FPR, bityo ikakira neza umushinga wo kugira uruhare mu matora yo muri 2017, ikawugira uwayo, ikawushyigikira, ikawitabira. Mu rwego rw’Ishyaka Ishema, twatangiye gahunda yo kuganira n’andi mashyaka kandi tuzakomeza kuvugana nayo. Kugeza ubu hari amashyaka agera kuri abiri yarangije kwemera ko twafatanya urugendo ndetse yamaze no kugena abantu bazajya mu Ikipe tuzajyana mu Rwanda.

Nanone ariko byumvikane neza ko kuganira n’andi mashyaka kuri uyu mushinga bidakuraho ubwigenge bwa buri shyaka  muri gahunda zaryo. Nibisobanuke ko Ishyaka Ishema ntawe ritegetswe gusaba uruhushya rwo kujya mu matora no gutanga umukandida. Kandi nta n’irindi shyaka rikeneye uruhushya rw’Ishyaka Ishema kugira ngo naryo ryiyemeze kuzagira uruhare mu matora.

Burya rero politiki nayo ikoresha imibare cyane. Ishyaka rizumva ko riramutse ryisunganye n’Ishyaka Ishema muri iyi gahunda y’amatora byagirira benshi akamaro, ntirikazuyaze kubitumenyesha. Tuzicara tubiganireho birambuye, tugire icyo twumvikanaho.

Birashoboka kandi ko hagira amashyaka yiyemeza kutadushyigikira na gato. Bibaho, ni uburenganzira bwayo. Hari n’azihitiramo gushyigikira FPR, ibi tukaba nta kibazo dukwiye kubibonamo.

Birashoboka ndetse ko hagira abanyapolitiki bafata icyemezo cyo kuturwanya. Icyo gihe ntibatangazwa n’uko twakwirwanaho twivuye inyuma.

Muri make ni uko bihagaze. Ariko nyine  inkunga y’Abanyarwanda benshi bashoboka yo irakenewe kugira ngo tuzashobore kugira  icyo tugeraho.

A.NK: FPR yafashe ubutegetsi ikoresheje intwaro. Bamwe mu bayirwanya, nawe urimo, umurongo wabo ni uw’ibiganiro, mu gihe Kagame we avuga ko amakaramu akora amaraporo y’ibyo biganiro adafata ubutegetsi, na rimwe. Mu by’ukuri aba ashaka kuvuga ko kugera ku butegetsi bivuga gukoresha intwaro. Ibi na none yigeze kubyemeza ubwo yari akiri mu ishyamba, ubwo yasubizaga abanyamakuru ko ibiganiro bya Arusha ntacyo bivuze, ko icyo we areba ari uruhembe rw’umuheto (Kalachinikov). Ukeka ko Kagame wo mu mwaka w’1993 n’uwo muri 2017, hari icyo yahindutseho mu rwego rwa demukarasi?

Padiri N.T: Uko Kagame yumva ibintu, ni akazi ke. Yahinduka, atahinduka, ibyo niwe bireba, sinjye ushinzwe kumuhindura. Birashoboka ko inzira y’intambara isesa amaraso yanyuzemo kugira ngo afate ubutegetsi ari yo ashobora kuba azi yonyine. Icyakora habaho n’izindi nzira. Niba koko yibwira mu mutima we ko Abanyarwanda yabahinduye ingaruzwamuheto bidasubirwaho, ko bazakomeza kumubera abagereerwa n’inkomamashyi ubuziraherezo, ashobora kuzatungurwa. Ibyo ari byo byose na Kadafi yumvaga ko we ubwe ari Imana yigize umuntu muri Libiya, abandi banyagihugu akabita imbeba ! Na Mubarake yumvaga ko Misiri ari akarima ke wenyine. No muri Tuniziya na  Burkina Foso…. abategetsi baho bibwiraga ko ari ibigirwamana. Ubu se bari he ? Byabagendekeye bite ? Tugomba kumenya ko mu mateka y’isi imbunda itigeze itsinda abaturage bariye karungu !

A.NK: Ikibazo gishingiye ku butabera: Imfungwa za génocide zari zifungiwe Arusha, zimwe zararekuwe, zinahanagurwaho ibyaha zari zikurikiranyweho. Leta ya Kagame yo ivuga ko yiteguye kuzakira kugirango izijugunye mu mva zidapfundikiye z’amagereza yo mu Rwanda. Mu bihugu byo hanze aho imiryango yazo iri, ibyinshi byanze kuzakira n’ubwo zagizwe abere. Ni iki mubona kihishe inyuma y’aka karengane k’izi mfungwa, zishobora no kwisanga mu magereza yo mu Rwanda, niba ibihugu byo hanze bikomeje kwanga kuzakira? Mutekereza iki ku rukiko rwa Arusha, ruteganya ibihano ku bo rufunze, ariko ntiruteganye aho ruzashyira abo ruzagira abere ?

Padiri N.T: Iki kibazo ubajije kiduhaye uburyo bwo gusobanura ibanga rikomeye Abanyarwanda barambiwe ingoyi bagomba kumva neza. Iryo banga ryihishe mu mvugo ya kinyarwanda igira iti “Umwanzi aragatsindwa”. Icyaha cy’abakomeje gufungirwa Arusha nyamara baragizwe abere n’urukiko, ni ukuba bari abayobozi bagatsindwa urugamba, Inkotanyi zikabafatana igihugu. Umusaraba bahetse ni aho ukomoka. Inkiko zo kuri iyi si zigengwa n’abatsinze, zikazengereza abatsinzwe. Ubutabera mpuzamahanga nabwo niko bukora, bukunze kubogamira ku banyembaraga, abanyantege nke imbwa zikabarya. Umwanzi nyine aragatsindwa!

Ishyaka Ishema niriramuka rifashijwe n’Abanyarwanda TUGATSINDA, tuzakora ibishoboka byose abafungiye Arusha no mu bindi bihugu, bimurirwe mu Rwanda, bagengwe n’ubutegetsi bushya bw’u Rwanda. Naho abahanaguwe ho icyaha bo bazatahuka mu gihugu cyabo, batubitse umutwe. Naho ubundi ak’imuhana kaza imvura ihise.

A.NK: N’ubwo ushaka kuyobora u Rwanda, abantu benshi turacyakwita Padiri kuko utigeze usezera kuri uwo murimo w’Imana. Bivuga ko ukibarizwa mu muryango wa Kiliziya gatolika. Nyakwigendera Padiri Andereya Sibomana, mbere y’uko yitaba Imana mu mwaka w’1998, Leta ya Kagame yari yaramwimye pasiporo kugira ngo ashobore kujya kwivuza mu Busuwisi indwara yamuhitanye. Kiliziya gatolika na Diyosezi ya Kabgayi yabarizwagamo, ntacyo byashoboye gukora kuri ako karengane. Ni iki ukeka Kiliziya gatolika cyangwa Diyosezi ya Cyangugu uturuka mo bizakora uramutse ugeze mu kaga kenda gusa nk’ako mugenzi wawe Padiri Andereya Sibomana yahuye na ko?

Padiri N.T: Diyosezi ya Cyangugu ntacyo nyitegerejeho, nta n’icyo nyisaba. Ubutumwa bwa politiki niyemeje gukora ntabwo nabwoherejwemo na Diyosezi ya Cyangugu cyangwa Kiliziya gatolika y’u Rwanda. Gusa muri politiki nshaka gukora, ikintu gikomeye cyane mbona kimpuza na Kiliziya gatolika ni inshingano Kiliziya isanganywe yo kwita mbere na mbere kuri rubanda rugufi (Option préférentielle pour les pauvres). Abandi Bihayimana ntibashobora kwirengagiza iyo ndangagaciro dusangiye. Naho ubundi, uwo nkeneye ko dufatanya ku buryo bufatika (politique active) uru rugamba rwo guharanira uburenganzira bwacu nk’abenegihugu, ni umunyarwanda uwo ariwe wese, yaba umugatolika, umupoloso umuyisilamu cyangwa umupagani. Nemera ndashidikanya ko uwiyumva muri Rubanda rugufi wese azi uburemere bw’igitugu gikabije cya FPR, bityo akaba yibona mu byo tuvuga n’ibyo tugamije gukora. Uwo niwe mpaye “Rendez-vous”, ngo tuzahurire ku itabaro mu mezi make ari imbere.

A.NK: Ugiye kwiyamamariza kuyobora igihugu cyakataje mu bikorwa bigayitse byo guhohotera uburenganzira bw’ikiremwamuntu : gufunga abanyapolitiki, abanyamakuru, kwica inzirakarengane, ababurirwa irengero, gucira abantu i shyanga, n’ibindi bibi ubutegetsi bwa FPR bwimakaje kuva bwajyaho mu mwaka w’1994. Ku bwawe wumva u Rwanda ari igihugu ugiye mo cyangwa ni mu rwobo rw’intare zishonje ushaka kwiyahuramo?

«…Ibyemezo byose byahinduye ibihugu bigateza imbere iyi si, byagiye bifatwa n’abantu bashoboraga kwicwa. Hera ku bafashe icyemezo cyo gushinga igihugu cya Amerika, ukomereze ku bakoze Revolisiyo yo mu Bufaransa, usozereze kuri Geregori Kayibanda na begenzi be bitangiye gusezerera ingoma ya cyami na gihake…. Abo bose bahanganye n’urupfu,  nyamara ntibyababujije kugera ku ntego», P. Nahimana.

Padiri N.T: Ibibazo igihugu cyacu gifite ni byinshi, birakomeye cyane kandi byose bikomoka ku butegetsi bubi bwa FPR. Niyo mpamvu u Rwanda rukeneye abagabo n’abagore b’intwari, kandi benshi barwitangira. Ntabwo ndaryama na rimwe ngo ndote ko nitugera mu Rwanda ibintu bizatworohera. Iyo mba nireberaga inyungu zanjye gusa, nakwigumira i Bulayi, nkareka abapfa bagapfa! Gusa gukora politiki ni ukurenga utunyungu twawe bwite, ugaharanira inyungu za benshi bashoboka.  Nanone bijye bisobanuka neza: gukora politiki mu gihugu nk’u Rwanda rw’iki gihe twese tubona, ntabwo ari ibyo umuntu yihangishaho ! Bisaba impano irenze ubushake bwa kamere-muntu yonyine. Nanjye rero niyumvamo ko nta mahoro nshobora kugira ndamutse mpisemo kwiryamira mu Bufaransa, nkituriza mu gihe abana ba rubanda rugufi bakomeje kugongerezwa amanywa n’ijoro, kandi bafite uburenganzira bwo kubaho mu mahoro n’umunezero.

Niyo mpamvu niteguye no kuba natakaza ubuzima ngerageza kugira icyo nabafashaho. Nta burenganzira ngifite bwo gukomeza kwituramira. Byararangiye, nzajya mu Rwanda, ikizaba kizabe. Ntabwo ndiho mvuga ko kwiyahura ari byo bikwiye. Kwiyahura ni ukwiyambura ubuzima ubitewe n’uko warambiwe kubaho cyangwa biturutse ku burwayi bwo mu mutwe.

Njye nkeneye kubaho ariko nkanifuza ko n’abandi benegihugu bafashwa kubaho. Aha niho hari ishingiro ry’ukwitanga kwacu. Reka mbonereho kwibutsa ibanga rya politiki abanyarwanda badakwiye kuyoberwa: “ibyemezo byose byahinduye ibihugu bigateza imbere iyi si, byagiye bifatwa n’abantu bashoboraga kwicwa “ (Toutes les décisions qui ont changé le monde ont été prises par des hommes qui risquaient la mort). Hera ku bafashe icyemezo cyo gushinga (founders) igihugu cya Amerika, ukomereze ku bakoze Revolisiyo yo mu Bufaransa, usozereze kuri Geregori Kayibanda na begenzi be bitangiye gusezerera ingoma ya cyami na gihake…. Abo bose bahanganye n’urupfu, nyamara ntibyababujije kugera ku ntego.

Muri iki gihe, imirambo y’abanyarwanda ireremba mu biyaga n’inzuzi, abakubitwa udufuni buri joro, abamburwa amasambu n’indi mitungo yabo buri munsi, abasenyerwa amazu buri cyumweru, abatorongezwa buri kwezi, urubyiruko rwahinduwe mayibobo n’abashomeri buri mwaka, abafunze imyaka irenga 20 batagira amadosiye…..abo bose baradusaba kwitanga ngo imibereho yabo ibe yahinduka. Nta kindi kizabavana muri uko kuzimu uretse ubwitange bwa bamwe mu banyarwanda. Nanjye niyemeje kuba umwe muri abo bemera guhara amagara yabo kubera umukiro wa bagenzi babo. Byumvikane neza rero ko KWITANGA bidakwiye kwitiranywa no kwiyahura.

A.NK: Ubutegetsi bwa FPR, kuva bwabaho, bwaranzwe n’ivangura ku buryo buvangura n’abapfu babwo. Bwashyizeho ibigega byo kwishyurira amashuri abana b’abatutsi gusa, ab’abahutu bahezwa muri ibyo bigega. Ibi bivuga ko umwana w’umuhutu adashobora kwiga niba adafite mwene wabo uzamurihira. Iri vangura rirangwa n’ubutegetsi ushaka guhangana na bwo mu matora, urarivuga ho iki ? Muri gahunda yawe yo kwiyamamaza hari icyo uteganya kuzabwira urubyiruko rwavukijwe kwiga kubera ko ruturuka gusa mu bwoko bw’abahutu ?

«Twarangije gufata icyemezo cyo kubegera tugafatanya urwo rugamba turi mu Rwanda. Amatora ya 2017 nimuyahindure ”ICYANZU” cy’impinduka ya karahabutaka. Nimufate ubutegetsi, igihugu mucyambure abategetsi b’abicanyi, mugishyire mu maboko y’abaharanira ubuzima buzira umuze ku banyarwanda bose. Niyo mpinduka nyakuri ikenewe muri iki gihe», P. Nahimana.

Padiri N.T: Leta idaha abenegihugu bose amahirwe angana ntikwiye no kwitwa Leta. Ntikwiye kubahwa no kuyobokwa.  Uvangura urubyiruko aba arimo guhembera umwiryane n’intambara. Ibyo nibyo FPR isa n’iyanditse muri “ programme politique’” yayo  nyakuri !

Icya mbere nkeneye kubwira abasore n’inkumi ni uko batinyuka kubumbura amaso bakamenya IMPAMVU nyakuri ituma batareshya, bakaba barimo Banyagupfa na Banyagukira. Biraterwa n’impamvu imwe rukumbi: ubutegetsi buriho bwa Kagame na FPR ye nibwo bwabigennye butyo.

Icya kabiri mbwira urubyiruko ni uko rudakwiye gukomeza kwituramira ngo rwishuke ko hari undi ubibabereyemo cyangwa ko hari ikindi gitangaza kizaturuka mu ijuru, kije kurukiza ingoyi ruriho.

Gukomeza gucungira ku butegetsi bwa Kagame ngo nibwo buri kubategurira ejo hazaza heza ni nko gufata abana b’intama ukabaragiza ikirura wishuka ko gishobora kuzabakurerera, kikabakuza. Gutegereza kuzacungurwa n’abasaza n’abakecuru bari barengeje imyaka 30 mu 1994, ni ukwishuka cyane. Iyo «génération» niyo FPR yihatiye gutsemba cyane, abarokotse akandoya ibabika mu magereza, abashoboye gusohoka mu gihugu yababitsemo ubwoba bupima amatoni! Kwizera ko impinduka ishobora kuzaturuka kuri abo ngabo ni ukwiringira baringa. Niyo mpamvu hakenewe «génération» nshya” y’Abarevolisiyoneri.

Icya gatatu mbwira urubyiruko ni uko baramutse bishatsemo abagera ku bihumbi 2000  b’ABIYEMEZIbashobora gutinyura abandi, ubwo butegetsi bw’agatsiko kimitse ivangura, twabutumura izuba riva, kandi bitadusabye gusesa amaraso y’inzirakarengane. Iyo mpinduka ishobora kunyura mu matora cyangwa muri Revolisiyo ya rubanda. Niyo nzira ishoboka muri iki gihe, nta yindi.

Icya kane mbwira urubyiruko ni uko njyewe n’abo tubyumva kimwe tudateganya gukomeza kubabwira amadisikuru twibereye i Bulayi. Twarangije gufata icyemezo cyo kubegera tugafatanya urwo rugamba turi mu Rwanda. Twe turahari,  mwebwe nimubura, ni akazi kanyu. Yenda bizabasaba indi myaka 25 kugira ngo mwongere kubona “opportunité” yo kugira icyo mwakora ngo mushobore kwibohoza. Amatora ya 2017 nimuyahindure ”ICYANZU” cy’impinduka ya karahabutaka. Nimufate ubutegetsi, igihugu mucyambure abategetsi b’abicanyi, mugishyire mu maboko y’abaharanira ubuzima buzira umuze ku banyarwanda bose. Niyo mpinduka nyakuri ikenewe muri iki gihe.

A.NK: Nkiri kuri iki kibazo, Leta ya Kagame nanone ishishikariza uru rubyiruko rw’abahutu gusaba imbabazi z’ibyaha ba Se bakoze mu gihe cya génocide. Abenshi muri rwo basabye izo mbabazi atari uko babishaka, ahubwo ari ukugirango barebe ko bwacya kabiri. Ko icyaha cyose ari gatozi, iyi politiki ya Leta ya FPR irusha ubukana iy’abanazi, uyivuga ho iki ?

Padiri N.T: Iyi politiki ruvumwa ya FPR, idatandukanye cyane na « Apartheid », yakorwaga na ba gashakabuhake bo muri Afurika y’Epfo, ifite “logique” yayo: abo Bahutu bitwa ba Nyamwinshi bagomba guhozwa ku iterabwoba n’ihagarikamutima ridahuga kugira ngo bahorane ipfunwe, babeho bubitse umutwe, bahore bigura, babure umwanya wo guharanira uburenganzira bwabo. Ariko mu gutera Abahutu ubwoba n’ipfunwe, harimo no gushukashuka Abatutsi bahoze mu Rwanda, hagamijwe gukomeza kubagira ingaruzwamuheto n’ibikoresho by’inyungu z’Agatsiko-Sajya. Mu by’ukuri, mu maso ya Kagame n’abasangirangeso be bavanye Uganda, ubuzima bw’abahoze mu Rwanda bose, igihe we yari mu kambi z’impunzi, nta gaciro na gake bufite. Guhera taliki ya 1 ukwakira 1990, umukino wo gushyamiranya Abatutsi n’Abahutu babyirukanye, bakigana mu ishuri rimwe, bagasengera mu matorero amwe, bagashyingirana, bakagabirana, bagasangira akabisi n’agahiye ….niwo wonyine ufitiye Kagame akamaro, kuko wakomeje kumufasha kwigaragaza nk’umucunguzi n’umurinzi w’Abatutsi. Abatutsi barokotse 94 bo rero bafite n’umwihariko w’uko Kagame agomba kujya aniga uwo ashatse kandi ntibakopfore, bimeze nk’umushumba ubaaga mu ntama ze.  Hari ibyo ureba ukumva agahinda karakwishe: buriya koko nk’uriya mwana Kizito Mihigo arazira iki? Déogratias Mushayidi, akatirwa igihano cy’urupfu, yarakoze iki ….! Ese urupfu rwa ba Rwigara Asinapoli n’abandi nka we, hari icyo rushobora kwigisha Abatutsi bahoze mu  Rwanda ?

A.NK: Filimi yitwa Rwanda’s Untold story, yakozwe na BBC, yashyize ahagaragara ukuri kose kuri génocide yabaye mu Rwanda, muri 1994. Iyi filimi yerekanye ko imibare itangwa na Leta y’u Rwanda y’uko abatutsi ibihumbi magana inani ari bo bishwe n’abahutu, ari ikinyoma cyambaye ubusa, ko ahubwo iyi mibare y’abishwe irimo n’iy’abahutu. Ni iki wemera muri iyi filimi, ni iki uyigayamo ?

Padiri N.T: Ni iki se ahubwo iriya filimi ivuga Abanyarwanda batari basanzwe bazi ? Yenda igishya kiyirimo ni uko yateguwe kandi igatangazwa na BBC, bikaba nk’ikimenyetso cy’uko noneho igihugu cy’Ubwongereza kirambiwe ibinyoma n’ubwicanyi bya Kagame, n’agatsiko ke. Ikindi ni uko abahoze ari abafasha ba hafi ba Paul Kagame batinyutse gutanga ubuhamya bugamije kwambika Kagame ubusa mu maso y’amahanga. Tuzi twese ko hari byinshi bazi batarashobora kuvuga kandi bishobora kwihutisha ugusenyuka kw’ingoma yubakiye byose ku kinyoma, ubwicanyi n’iterabwoba. Niyo mpamvu Kagame na we abahigira kubamara. Hakwiye indi filimi ivuga n’ibitaravuzwe, ikagaragaza n’ibikorwa by’abiteguye gushyiraho ubutegetsi buzima buzasimbura ubwa Kagame, bwananiwe kuyobora igihugu no guha Abanyarwanda ihumure.

A.NK: Amashyaka amwe mu yaba hanze, yifatanije na FDLR, mu gihe uyu mutwe ufatwa n’amahanga nk’umutwe w’iterabwoba. Kuba hari amashyaka yifatanije na wo nuko wenda abona ko inzira yo gufata intwaro ari yo yonyine isigaye mu gufata ubutegetsi mu Rwanda ? Watubwira impamvu ishyaka ryawe ryo ritahisemo uyu murongo wo gufatanya n’umutwe wa FDLR ?

«Nta mutwe wa gisilikari tuzi waba urwanya u Rwanda, yenda ngo dushinjwe kuba tutawushyigikiye. Niba hari abashoboye kurwana gisilikari na Kagame, ndibwira ko batazavuga ko bafashwe amaboko n’abataripfana bo mu Ishyaka Ishema», P. Nahimana.

Padiri N.T: Nibyo koko gufata intwaro bishobora kuba imwe mu nzira zishobora guhirika ubutegetsi bw’igitugu nka buriya bwa Kagame. Gusa hari impamvu zitari nke zaduteye kudahitamo iyo nzira.

Icya mbere ni uko intambara isenya byinshi, ikubaka bike cyane. Intambara ni icyanzu cyo kurema abanyagitugu nka ba Kagame bifatira ubutegetsi mu nyungu zabo bamaze kwisasira ibihumbi amagana by’abenegihugu.

Icya kabiri ni uko inzira y’intambara isesa amaraso, ikanasaba ubushobozi bwinshi, butoroshye ikusanya. Muri make irahenda cyane.

Icya gatutu gikomeye kurushaho ni uko inzira y’intambara ihindura abenegihugu indorerezi, bagahora bumva ko hari abandi babibabereyemo, ko hari abazabarwanirira. Iyo abo bategerejweho  kubarwanirira bananiwe…..hakurikiraho iki ?

Icya kane ni uko twebwe nta mutwe wa gisilikari tuzi waba urwanya u Rwanda, yenda ngo dushinjwe kuba tutawushyigikiye. Niba hari abashoboye kurwana gisilikari na Kagame, ndibwira ko batazavuga ko bafashwe amaboko n’abataripfana bo mu Ishyaka Ishema.

Icya nyuma ni uko dusanga ikibazo kinini Opozisiyo nyarwanda ifite muri iki gihe ari ugushobora kubanza gutsinda ibitego mu rwego rwa politiki na diplomasi. Uwatsinze aho ngaho, n’iyo byagera aho akenera kwitabaza urugamba rwa gisilikari, yaba afite aho arwerekeza. Ni uko twe tubyumva.

A.NK: Wigeze gutangaza ko abashinze umuryango wa RNC biruhije kwemeza ko bavuye burundu muri FPR bahozemo. Nyamara ubutegetsi bwa Kagame bushakisha uruhindu uwo ari we wese ushaka kwinjira cyangwa uri muri RNC. Colonel Karegeya, umwe mu b’ibanze bawushinze, abicanyi ba Kagame bamunigiye muri Afurika y’Epfo, mu ntangiriro z’umwaka ushize. Niba abayoboke ba RNC bashobora kuba bakiri muri FPR, hanyuma igahindukira ikanabica, ikabahusha, abandi ikabafunga, wasobanura ute kiriya gitekerezo cyawe abantu benshi bakunze gushyira mu majwi ?

«Kubagiraho impungenge ntibyabura kuko babarirwa mu bashinze umutwe wa FPR-Inkotanyi (twe turwanya), bakaba barayikoreye imyaka myinshi, mu gihe yariho ihekura Abanyarwanda. Bo na Kagame bahujwe na byinshi, uhereye ku mateka yo mu nkambi, ugakomereza ku ngengabitekerezo, ugasozereza ku macuti bizera, dore ko ari nayo yoherezwa kubagirira nabi», P. Nahimana.

Padiri N.T: Ntabwo nibuka ko ari kuriya naba narabivuze ! Gusa hari icyo nabivugaho kindi.

Icya mbere, ni uko dukwiye kumenya gutandukanya ibintu. Kuba umwanzi wa Kagame ntibivuga guhinduka umukunzi w’inyungu rusange z’Abanyarwanda. Kuba wari incuti ya Kagame hanyuma mukaza gushwana mufite ibyanyu mupfuye, ntibihagije ngo umuntu afatwe nk’umunyapolitiki ugamije kubaka u Rwanda twese twakwisanzuramo.

Icya kabiri ni uko twese dushobora kwitegereza tukabona ingorane abashinze RNC bafite !

*Kimwe n’abandi banyarwanda bahoze mu butegetsi kuri Leta zabanje, abashinze RNC bafite BILAN. Kuyisobanuraho ntibikunze kuborohera.

*Kubagiraho impungenge ntibyabura kuko babarirwa mu bashinze umutwe wa FPR-Inkotanyi (twe turwanya), bakaba barayikoreye imyaka myinshi, mu gihe yariho ihekura Abanyarwanda. Bo na Kagame bahujwe na byinshi, uhereye ku mateka yo mu nkambi, ugakomereza ku ngengabitekerezo, ugasozereza ku macuti bizera, dore ko ari nayo yoherezwa kubagirira nabi.

*Nanone kandi kugeza ubu hari abanyarwanda batari bake bavuga ko batarumva neza UMUSHINGA w’abashinze RNC mu bijyanye n’inzira yo kugera ku butegetsi, baba bashyira imbere, n’uburyo baba bateganya kuyoboramo igihugu, butandukanye n’ubwa FPR, babayemo.

Icya gatatu ni uko hari ikimenyetso kigaragara, tudakwiye kwirengagiza : abashinze RNC bagize uruhare rukomeye mu guca intege Paul Kagame no kumwambika ubusa mu ruhando rw’amahanga.  Kubihakana byaba ari ukwigiza nkana.

Icyo mbona rero dukwiye kwihatira kugeraho nk’Abanyapolitiki ni ukuubahana no gukomeza gushyira imbere inyungu rusange z’abenegihugu bose. Niyo mpamvu nyuma yo kubona urwo Patrick Karegeya yapfuye, abasigaye nabo Kagame akaba akomeje kubahigisha uruhindu, ntazuyaza KUGANIRAn’Abayobozi ba RNC, cyane cyane ku byerekeye amatora yo muri 2017.

A.NK: Ubona habura iki kugira ngo amashyaka avuga ko arwanya ubutegetsi bwa Kagame ashyire hamwe, akorere hamwe, niba koko umwanzi wayo yose ari umwe rukumbi: ubutegetsi bw’igitugu, ubutegetsi bw’abicanyi, buyobowe na perezida Kagame n’agatsiko ke ?

Padiri N.T: Ibikorwa amashyaka ya Opozisiyo yakorera hamwe birakenewe cyane kandi ntawe utabona ko byatanga ingufu zisumbuyeho. Nanone ariko burya amashyaka ya politiki ntapfa kwihuza gutyo gusa hatari umushinga ufatika yahuriraho. Umwe muri iyo mishinga yabyara ubufatanye,  ni amatora. Nizeye ko ubu noneho hariho impamvu ifatika yo kuganira no gushyira hamwe. Amatora yo muri 2017 nataduhuza, tuzahuzwa no ”gucuruza amateke”?!

Amiel Nkuliza, wateguye iki kiganiro, ubu ni umunyeshuri mu Ishami ry’Indimi na Média muri Université ya Dalarna/Sweden

Tel : 0046 60 617 769, 0046 70 877 54 24. 

BBC rejects complaint over controversial Rwanda genocide documentary

The BBC’s editorial complaints unit has rejected a complaint about a controversial documentary on Rwanda that questioned official accounts of the 1994 genocide.

The group of scholars, scientists, researchers, journalists and historians who made the complaint now plan to appeal to the BBC Trust over the decision.

Rwanda’s Untold Story, broadcast on 1 October 2014, sparked controversy by suggesting President Paul Kagame may have had a hand in the shooting-down of his predecessor’s plane, which triggered the mass killings.

It also quoted US researchers who suggested that many of the more than 800,000 Rwandans who died in the 1994 genocide may have been ethnic Hutus, and not Tutsis as the government maintains.

Kagame accused the BBC of “genocide denial” in the documentary, which he said had chosen to “tarnish Rwandans, dehumanise them”. The corporation emphatically rejected the claims.

UK urges Rwanda to lift BBC broadcasting ban

Last November, a group of 48 people, including former president of the International Committee of the Red Cross Cornelio Sommaruga, Bishop Ken Barham and investigative journalist and author Professor Linda Melvern, wrote to BBC director general Tony Hall to express concern over the documentary.

Their letter claimed the BBC had been “recklessly irresponsible” in airing the film, said it contained serious inaccuracies, and claimed part of its content promoted genocide denial.

The criticisms were rejected by Jim Gray, deputy head of current affairs, so last month they took their case to the BBC’s editorial complaints unit.

Their complaint claimed the documentary was in breach of BBC editorial guidelines, including its commitment to truth and accuracy, impartiality, serving the public interest and distinguishing opinion from fact.

It was backed by a 15-page document claiming the programme promoted denial of the genocide of the Tutsi, changed the meaning of events, and tried to reinterpret the facts and change reality.

The complainants accused the film of being misleading and biased, saying it had promised “evidence that challenges the accepted story of the Rwandan genocide” but had instead used discredited material produced by defence lawyers in the trials at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. They also criticised the BBC journalists for relying on unverified witness testimony in the programme.

Finally, they claimed there had been concerns among BBC staff about the film, and questioned whether, given its sensitivity, it should have been considered at a high level within the corporation.

The editorial complaints unit produced a detailed response to the allegations, but found the film had not breached BBC guidelines.

A BBC spokesperson confirmed: “The BBC’s editorial complaints unit has concluded that the documentary Rwanda’s Untold Story was not in breach of the BBC’s editorial standards.”

One of the complainants, Melvern, said in response: “The ECU determined no breaches in editorial guidelines took place and declared the programme justified for ‘good editorial reasons’, produced in a spirit of ‘journalistic inquiry’.

“None of our concerns was addressed. The ruling failed to provide answers to our questions. No evidence was forthcoming. The ECU wrote that judgments handed down at the ICTR had ‘little relevance’ when considering ‘other accounts’ of the genocide. The programme was simply presenting ‘dissenting views’, ‘alternative perspectives’, and ‘controversial theories’ about the genocide of the Tutsi claiming all the while that this would not mislead viewers.

“The BBC claims that the documentary did not damage the history of the genocide of the Tutsi – we maintain it did just that.”

Melvern said an appeal will be lodged with the BBC Trust next week.

A spokesperson for BBC News said: “Throughout the making of this programme, which we acknowledge raised extremely painful issues, our guiding principle was to respect the immense suffering of the Rwandan people and cover an immensely difficult subject in a measured way, not to downplay nor conceal events.”

Last month, the UK called on the Rwandan government to lift its ban on BBC radio broadcasts in the country’s most common language, which was imposed in the wake of the documentary.

A Foreign office spokesperson said the UK government “recognises the hurt caused in Rwanda by some parts of the documentary”, but it was “concerned” by the move to suspend the BBC’s FM broadcasts and hold an official investigation.

The inquiry, set up by the government-appointed Rwanda Utilities Regulatory Agency, urged its government to take criminal action against the BBC.

Its report said: “The documentary made a litany of claims and assertions that are problematic in a number of ways and which we consider to violate Rwandan law, the BBC’s own ethical guidelines and limitations to press freedom.

“We also find the documentary to be minimising and denying genocide, contravening domestic and international laws.”

A BBC spokesperson said: “We are extremely disappointed by the findings of this commission. While we do not yet know the full implications for the BBC in Rwanda, we stand by our right to produce the independent journalism which has made us the world’s most trusted news source … We strongly reject any suggestion that any part of this documentary constitutes genocide denial.”

Source: The Guardian