Category Archives: International

Les assassinats d’opposants rwandais inquiètent les Etats-Unis « au plus haut point

Le président rwandais, Paul Kagamé, en février 2012, à Rome.

 

Alors que doit être commémoré, à partir d’avril, le vingtième anniversaire du génocide des Tutsi au Rwanda, les Etats-Unis haussent le ton à l’égard du régime de Paul Kagamé comme jamais ils ne l’ont fait depuis cette tragédie. Washington est « préoccupé par la succession de ce qui semble être des meurtres à mobiles politiques d’exilés rwandais influents », a déclaré jeudi 16 janvier Jen Psaki.

La porte-parole du département d’Etat ne s’est pas contentée de cette remarque insistante et inédite, consécutive au meurtre, le 1er janvier en Afrique du Sud, du colonel Patrick Karegeya. Cet ancien proche de M. Kagamé et chef des servicessecrets rwandais est devenu un farouche opposant de son régime. « Les récentes déclarations du président Kagamé à propos des “conséquences” pour ceux qui trahissent le Rwanda nous inquiètent au plus haut point », a poursuivi Mme Psaki.

Deux semaines après la découverte du meurtre commis à Johannesburg et attribué au régime de Kigali par l’opposition, le chef de l’Etat rwandais avait averti, en une claire allusion au sort de M. Karageya, mais sans le nommer : « La trahison a des conséquences. Quiconque trahit notre cause ou souhaite du mal à notre peuple deviendra une victime. » Qui donc a tué Patrick Karegeya ? M. Kagamé enfonce le clou dans le dernier numéro de l’hebdomadaire Jeune Afrique« Le terrorisme a un prix, la trahison a un prix, déclare-t-il. On est tué comme on a soi-même tué. Chacun a la mort qu’il mérite. »

« GÉRER LES GÉNÉRAUX EN INSTILLANT LA PEUR »

Le président reproche à ses opposants de chercher à parasiter l’anniversaire du génocide et les accuse de préparer des « actes terroristes ». Il est vrai qu’en août 2010, au lendemain de la réélection pour sept ans de Paul Kagamé émaillée d’attentats à la grenade à Kigali, le colonel aujourd’hui éliminé avait déclaré : « Le changement ne peut pas venir par l’élection, mais par des moyens violents. » Mis au ban du régime en 2004 après une décennie à la tête des services secrets,emprisonné puis exilé en 2006, le colonel Karegeya, cofondateur du Rwanda National Congress (opposition), n’est pas le premier haut responsable tutsi, fidèle du président, rival potentiel et détenteur de secrets d’Etat, à être mis à l’écart.

En 2010, des tireurs avaient tenté, en vain, de tuer le général dissident Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, ancien chef d’état-major de l’armée rwandaise et grand rival de Paul Kagamé, lui aussi exilé à Johannesburg. Ces cibles ont en commun d’être, comme le président, des Tutsi anglophones nés durant l’exil de leurs familles en Ouganda. Ils ont dirigé l’offensive qui, partie de ce pays, a envahi le Rwanda, mis fin en 1994 au génocide des Tutsi et conduit M. Kagamé au pouvoir.

Quatre jours avant d’être tué, probablement pas strangulation, Patrick Karegeya avait adressé à un groupe religieux basé aux Etats-Unis une lettre terriblement accusatrice : « Jamais depuis l’époque d’Idi Amin [le dictateur sanguinaire aupouvoir en Ouganda entre 1971 et 1979] les services de sécurité d’un Etat n’ont terrorisé un pays à un degré où ceux du Rwanda répandent la peur et la terreur sur les citoyen de ce pays », a-t-il écrit le 28 décembre. Charles Rwomushana, un analyste ougandais indépendant cité par l’agence Associated Press, va dans le même sens : Paul Kagamé, dit-il, veut « gérer les généraux en instillant la peur »car il souhaite se reposer sur « une nouvelle génération » d’officiers n’ayant aucun lien direct avec la rébellion qui l’a conduit au pouvoir.

L’éviction, en 2013, de l’influent ministre de la justice Tharcisse Karugarama, hostile à un troisième mandat du président que l’actuelle Constitution n’autorise pas, semble participer de cette même stratégie. Ce contexte tendu peut expliquerle crescendo de la critique américaine d’un régime dont les réels succès économiques, sociaux et sécuritaires ont longtemps justifié les faveurs de Washington. Longtemps, la culpabilité née de la cécité et de l’inaction occidentales au moment du génocide de 1994, culpabilité que le régime sait parfaitementexploiter, a étouffé toute velléité de reproche.

TENSIONS RAVIVÉES AVANT LE 20e ANNIVERSAIRE DU GÉNOCIDE

En 2010, après l’assassinat et l’arrestation de plusieurs chefs de l’opposition,Washington avait stigmatisé « une série d’actions inquiétantes (…) qui constituent des tentatives de restreindre la liberté d’expression ». En juillet 2013, après la publication d’un rapport de Human Rights Watch décrivant la coopération de Kigali avec les rebelles du mouvement M23 en République démocratique du Congo, les Etats-Unis avaient haussé le ton en « exigeant que le Rwanda mette fin immédiatement à toute forme d’aide » à ce mouvement.

Conséquence, le M23, instrumentalisé par le Rwanda pour contrôler les richesses de son voisin congolais, a été vaincu militairement par les forces armées de la RDC en novembre. Face à ces contentieux, les autorités de Kigali ont toujours manié la rhétorique anti-impérialiste. Paul Kagamé dit aujourd’hui ne pas accepterla logique selon laquelle « seules les grandes puissances ont le droit et l’intelligence de dire qui est terroriste et qui ne l’est pas ». Et un représentant du Rwanda à l’ONU a invité les Etats-Unis à « s’occuper d’Al-Qaida et [à] laisser les Rwandais s’inquiéter du terrorisme auquel ils font face ».

A l’été 2012, Washington avait gelé sa modeste assistance militaire – 200 000 dollars annuels (147 000 euros) – pour cause de recrutement d’enfants-soldats dans les rangs du M23. A la fin 2012, Londres, autre grand allié du régime Kagamé, a annoncé le gel de son aide budgétaire. L’approche de l’anniversaire du génocide, qui va braquer l’attention du monde entier sur ce petit pays, pourraitraviver les tensions. Les opposants sont dénoncés non seulement comme des « terroristes » mais comme des « révisionnistes » désireux de jeter le trouble sur la mémoire des massacres qui, en cent jours, d’avril à juillet 1994, ont causé la mort de 800 000 personnes, des Tutsi pour l’essentiel.

Source: Le monde

Rwanda: pour Faustin Twagiramungu, «il est temps de mettre fin au chantage de Kigali»

Faustin Twagiramungu.

Faustin Twagiramungu.

©2010 Faustin Twagiramungu
Par RFI

L’ancien Premier ministre rwandais, Faustin Twagiramungu, à la tête Rwandan Dream Intiative, parti d’opposition en exil, a décidé de rallier les Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR) – accusées par le gouvernement rwandais d’héberger des génocidaires en leur sein – et le Parti social-Imberakuri, dont l’ancien président a été condamné pour « divisionnisme ». Les autorités rwandaises n’ont pour l’instant pas réagi.

L’ancien Premier ministre rwandais, Faustin Twagiramungu, a décidé, avec son parti politique en exil, le Rwandan Dream Initiative, de signer un accord de collaboration avec les Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda, les rebelles hutus rwandais réfugiés au Congo et le Parti social-Imberakuri.

Les FDLR sont accusées par Kigali d’avoir des génocidaires en leur sein et de propager l’idéologie du génocide. Le PS-Imberakuri, de son côté, a vu son ancien président Bernard Ntaganda condamné et emprisonné en 2010 pour « divisionnisme ».

→ A (RE)LIRE : RDC: les FDLR demandent un dialogue inter-rwandais

Malgré cela, et alors que 2014 marquera les vingt ans du déclenchement du génocide au Rwanda après l’attentat contre l’avion du président rwandais Juvenal Habyarimana le 6 avril 1994, Faustin Twagiramungu a tenu à s’associer à ces deux formations. Interrogé par RFI, il affirme qu’« il est temps de mettre fin au chantage de Kigali, notamment du président Kagame, qui essaie chaque fois d’instrumentaliser le génocide, pour qualifier tout le monde est génocidaire ».

« Je considère que les Rwandais, qui sont réfugiés depuis 1996 jusqu’à aujourd’hui et qui sont dans les forêts congolaises, ne sont pas des génocidaires. S’il y en avait, ils ne seraient pas nombreux et je pense que la justice devrait s’en occuper », avance-t-il. « Nous savons qu’il y a presque 75 % de jeunes gens entre 20 et 30 ans. Ceux-là ne peuvent pas être accusés d’être des génocidaires », dénonce-t-il encore.

 → A (RE)LIRE : Assassinat de Patrick Karegeya: pour Kagame, «la trahison a des conséquences»

Il affirme que l’objectif de cette coalition entre le Rwandan Dream Intiative – son parti – les FDLR et le PS-Imberakuri, est de faire pression sur la communauté internationale pour qu’elle « puisse [les] aider à chercher un dialogue avec Kigali ».

Pression de la communauté internationale

Au-delà de cette coalition, il en appelle également à tous les autres partis d’opposition rwandais en exil et à la communauté internationale. « Cette coalition n’est pas suffisante, à mon avis. Il y a plusieurs autres partis comme le RNC [Congrès national du Rwanda, ndlr], ou un autre qui s’appelle le PD [Parti démocrate, ndlr]… Il y a tout un tas de partis politiques et nous aimerions qu’ils se mettent ensemble, pour que la pression continue de croître, pour que la communauté internationale puisse prêter une oreille attentive à la situation du Rwanda qui perdure depuis vingt ans. »

 ► A (RE)ECOUTER : Faustin Twagiramungu, ancien Premier ministre rwandais président du nouveau parti Rwanda dream initiative (RDI)

Pour Faustin Twagiramungu, « nous ne pouvons pas continuer comme ça. S’il y a des criminels dans la forêt congolaise, il y a des criminels au Rwanda aussi. Il est temps, maintenant, que l’on suive l’exemple de l’Afrique du Sud, du Burundi. »

« Il faut qu’on apprenne à se parler, pas à se chasser et à se vanter que l’on peut tuer les gens dans les hôtels, et partout dans les pays où ils sont réfugiés », ajoute Faustin Twagiramungu, évoquant les propos du président rwandais Paul Kagame, dimanche 12 janvier, après l’assassinat, le 31 décembre en Afrique du Sud, de Patrick Karegeya, un ancien proche devenu l’un de ses plus farouches opposants. « La trahison a des conséquences », avait alors déclaré Paul Kagame, ajoutant à destination des opposants en exil, que « quiconque trahit notre cause ou souhaite du mal à notre peuple deviendra une victime. Il reste seulement à savoir comment il deviendra une victime. »

Interrogées par RFI sur cet accord entre Faustin Twagiramungu et les FDLR, les autorités rwandaises n’ont, pour l’instant, pas souhaité réagir.

Source: http://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20140116-rwanda-faustin-twagiramungu-kagame-kigali-karegeya-fdlr-genocide

Rwanda and the New Scramble for Africa: “the Rwandan genocide was 100 percent American responsibility”

By Robin Philpot

“…essential reading.” Edward S. Herman

Baraka BOOKS

An accepted narrative holds that horrible Rwandan Hutu génocidaires planned and executed a satanic scheme to eliminate nearly a million Tutsis after a mysterious plane crash killed the former president of Rwanda on April 6, 1994. Yet former UN Secretary General Boutros-Ghali says, “the Rwandan genocide was 100 percent American responsibility.” Where lies the truth?

Based on vast research, extensive interviews, and close analysis, this fascinating account shows not only that the accepted narrative is false but also that it has been edified to cover-up the causes of the tragedy, protect the criminals responsible for it and then justify the invasion of the Congo.

***

Former UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali declared, "The Rwandan genocide was 100% American Responsibility."

Former UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali declared, “The Rwandan genocide was 100% American Responsibility.”

The book  comprises three parts. The first part addresses the little-discussed but crucial events preceding the assassination of the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi

Former UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali declared, “The Rwandan genocide was 100% American Responsibility.”

on April 6, 1994, which triggered massive killings. These include the invasion in 1990, drawn-out guerrilla and terrorist warfare, imposition of a new political and economic order followed by an ill named “peace process” that sanctified the occupation of the country by the invading army, and the assassination of two African heads of state.

The second part, “The Heart of Dark Imaginations,” shows how popular literature on Rwanda has been built on the old clichés, metaphors, and conventions generated during 400 years of slavery, the slave trade, and colonialism, and helped justify them. The resulting narrative is perfectly crafted for the “new scramble for Africa.”

The third part takes down the so-called international criminal justice as applied to Rwanda and explains how and why the murderous, never-ending war in Congo began.

***

Praise

“Robin Philpot’s Rwanda and the New Scramble for Africa effectively dismantles a remarkable structure of disinformation on an important area and topic and it throws light on the broader thrust of imperial policy. This book is essential reading.” Edward S. Herman, Co-author of Manufacturing Consent (with Noam Chomsky) and The Politics of Genocide (with David Peterson).

“Explosive, very daring and solidly defended … a real bomb that rocks our interpretation of the Rwandan tragedy!” Le Devoir, Montreal

“Philpot’s investigations show that behind all the words can be found an operation to destabilize and remodel the region.” Africa International, Paris

***

In Slouching Towards Sirte, NATO’s War on Libya and Africa Max Forte wrote, “Everywhere is Rwanda for the humanitarian imperialist, which makes one want to know what really happened there in 1994.” This book attempts to answer that question.

Rwanda and the New Scramble for Africa, which is part of Baraka’s Africa, African Diaspora, and International Politics collection, appears as we approach the 20th anniversary of one of the worst tragedies in modern history.

Robin Philpot is a Montréal writer, translator, and publisher. Born in Thunder Bay, Ontario and a graduate of the University of Toronto, he lived and worked in Africa for several years before settling in Montreal, Quebec He is the author of six books on political on international as well as Quebec and Canadian political issues. He is also co-author of A People’s History of Quebec.

***

282 pages | Trade paper $24.95 | ISBN 978-1-926824-94-9 |
13 photos | index | bibliographic information | appendixes
Available in all ebook formats.

Orders: Independent Publishers Group
(800) 888-4741; fax: (312) 337-5985 orders@ipgbook.com

Selecting Transitional Leaders in the Central African Republic

usdos-logo-seal

Press Statement

Marie Harf
Deputy Department Spokesperson, Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
January 15, 2014

The United States is closely following the ongoing deliberations of the Central African Republic’s Transitional National Council as it works to select a new President and Prime Minister. We urge that the selection process be transparent, include a full range of political, religious, and civil society representatives, and be consistent with provisions of the Transitional Charter and the Libreville Agreements, which call for the prime minister to come from the democratic opposition.

The Council has an historic opportunity to put the country on a path toward stability, democracy, and development, and we encourage the Council to seize this opportunity by selecting leaders of integrity who can restore stability to the Central African Republic (CAR), prepare for credible elections as soon as possible, but no later than February 2015, and earn the confidence of the international community.

The United States commends the leadership of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) in facilitating the political transition process in the CAR and remains deeply committed to working with ECCAS, the African Union, the UN, and representatives of civil society to support the political transition process.

The Office of Website Management, Bureau of Public Affairs, manages this site as a portal for information from the U.S. State Department.

Affaire Karegeya: Washington condamne le meurtre

Karegeya

L’assassinat, il y a deux semaines, d’un ancien haut responsable rwandais, inquiète la communauté internationale. L’ex-chef des renseignements extérieurs du Rwanda avait été retrouvé mort dans sa chambre d’hôtel à Johannesburg. Patrick Karegeya occupait son poste au moment de l’attentat contre le président Habyarimana, en 1994. Il avait d’ailleurs assuré détenir des preuves de l’implication de l’actuel chef de l’Etat, Kagame. L’Afrique du Sud et les Etats-Unis, sans accuser Kigali d’être impliqué dans la mort de Patrick Karegeya, dénoncent la mort de cet opposant.

Dimanche, le président rwandais avait affirmé que la trahison avait des conséquences, sans jamais citer le nom de son ancien chef des renseignements extérieurs, Patrick Karegeya retrouvé mort le 1er janvier dernier. Ajoutant « Ceux qui nous accusent d’être responsable ont fait de même un millier de fois pour défendre leurs nations ». Une remarque qui a beaucoup surpris. Puisqu’officiellement seule l’opposition en exil accuse le régime rwandais d’être derrière cet assassinat.

L’Afrique du Sud est le premier pays à avoir condamné officiellement cet assassinat. Mais la diplomatie sud-africaine a déclaré qu’il fallait attendre les résultats de l’enquête, qu’il était trop tôt pour évoquer de possibles tensions avec un quelconque gouvernement. Pas en l’absence de preuves. Même si par précaution, les services de sécurité sud-africains ont demandé au général Kayumba Nyamwasa, le compagnon d’exil de Patrick Karegeya, de renforcer sa sécurité.

Parmi les chancelleries qui condamnent également ce meurtre figurent les Etats-Unis. C’est ce qu’assure à RFI un responsable du département d’Etat américain, même si aucun communiqué n’a été rendu public. Cette source précise que Washington salue l’ouverture d’une enquête par Prétoria et attend les résultats. Tout en continuant de souligner l’importance du développement d’une opposition politique pacifique au Rwanda.

Pas de réaction au Rwanda

Plusieurs sources diplomatiques occidentales affirment que les Etats-Unis seraient allés plus loin en émettant un avertissement à l’égard de Kigali. Son contenu : si un tel incident se produisait sur le sol américain, cela aurait des conséquences sur les relations bilatérales. Deux des membres fondateurs du RNC, le parti de Patrick Karegeya, se trouvent effectivement aux Etats-Unis. Mais interrogé à ce propos, le responsable du département d’Etat américain joint par RFI n’a ni confirmé, ni infirmé l’existence d’un tel avertissement.

Sollicitées par RFI, les autorités rwandaises n’ont pour le moment pas réagi. A noter que dans une interview accordée à la BBC, l’ambassadeur rwandais en Grande-Bretagne avait démenti que les propos du président Kagame aient un quelconque lien avec la mort de l’ancien chef des renseignements extérieurs du Rwanda.


■ Attentat d’Habyarimana : les parties civiles inquiètent après la mort de Karegeya

Vingt ans après les faits, les parties civiles s’inquiètent de blocages dans l’enquête française sur l’attentat contre l’avion du président rwandais Juvenal Habyarimana en 1994, suite notamment au meurtre d’un témoin potentiel à Johannesburg, Patrick Karegeya. Il avait affirmé en juillet dernier détenir des preuves de l’implication de Paul Kagame dans ce dossier. Même déclaration du général Kayumba Nyamwasa, son compagnon d’exil, qui lui est cité dans ce dossier et inculpé par la justice française. Le juge d’instruction Marc Trevidic a fait plusieurs commissions rogatoires pour demander l’audition de Kayumba Nyamwasa, sans obtenir de réponse.

Maitre Philippe Meilhac

avocat de la famille Habyarimana

Nous assistons depuis pas mal de temps à la disparition de témoins.

Source: RFI

The Shroud Over Rwanda’s Nightmare by Michael Dobbs

WASHINGTON — Twenty years ago this Saturday, the commander of United Nations peacekeeping forces in Rwanda wrote a coded cable to his superiors in New York that has come to be known as the “genocide fax.” Citing inside information from a “top-level trainer” for a pro-regime militia group, Brig. Gen. Roméo Dallaire warned of an “anti-Tutsi extermination” plot.

The refusal by United Nations officials to approve the general’s plan for raids on suspected arms caches has been widely condemned as paving the way for one of the worst genocides since the Holocaust. But evidence submitted to the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, some of it still under seal, reveals a murkier, more complicated situation than has often been portrayed.

New details about the mysterious informant known to General Dallaire as “Jean-Pierre” serve as a reminder that history can take a long time to reveal its secrets. Important documents that could shed light on the unresolved mysteries and ambiguities of the Rwanda genocide remain under lock and key.

It is now commonly recognized that the international community failed miserably in its efforts to protect the people of Rwanda. But even 20 years later, there is still much to learn. While the new evidence does not absolve the United Nations and Western governments for failing to take timely action, Jean-Pierre’s story illustrates the challenges that continue to vex decision-makers struggling to make sense of unfolding crises in countries like the Central African Republic or South Sudan.10dobbs-articleInline

The immediate trigger for the Rwandan genocide was the shooting down of a plane carrying President Juvenal Habyarimana on April 6, 1994. Over the next hundred days, Hutu militia groups murdered at least half a million members of the Tutsi minority, along with tens of thousands of “moderate” Hutus. These massacres took place against the backdrop of a war that pitted the Hutu-dominated regime against Tutsi-led insurgents who had invaded Rwanda from neighboring Uganda.

Whether the genocide was planned, and was thus foreseeable, has been hotly debated by scholars, politicians and lawyers. The “genocide fax” has been a key part of this debate. Controversy has surrounded Jean-Pierre’s motives for cooperating with General Dallaire, the reliability of his information, and his fate after his request for protection was rejected by the United Nations.

We now know a lot more about Jean-Pierre Abubakar Turatsinze (his full name was established by the war crimes tribunal). Half-Hutu and half-Tutsi, he operated on both sides of Rwanda’s political and ethnic divide. While his prediction of mass murder of Tutsis by Hutu militia groups proved chillingly accurate, he misled United Nations peacekeepers on some key points.

Important details about his background and eventual fate are contained in a 2003 interview with his wife by tribunal investigators that has never been officially released but is now available. At the time of his marriage, in 1990, he worked as a driver for a senior Rwandan official. In the turmoil following the rebel invasion, Jean-Pierre used his connections to become an intermediary to the Interahamwe militia, whose principal goal was to defend the Hutu-dominated regime.

Curiously, the fact that he was married to a Tutsi and was the product of a mixed Tutsi-Hutu marriage does not seem to have affected his advancement in the Interahamwe, at least until the end of 1993. Around this time, he told his wife that he might have to kill her because the ruling party was planning to carry out “massacres.” As she told investigators, “because I am Tutsi and his mother was Tutsi, I understood this to mean that the massacres were going to be against the Tutsi population.”

Jean-Pierre told General Dallaire’s aides in January 1994 that he had been instructed to register “all Tutsis” living in Kigali, apparently for “their extermination.” He also said that the Rwandan Army had been supplying the Interahamwe with weapons, and identified several arms caches, including one in the headquarters of the ruling party. The Interahamwe went on to commit many of the murders during the genocide.

The Arusha-based international tribunal has found that the Rwandan Army channeled weapons to the Interahamwe and provided military training to militia members. But tribunal judges were not convinced that the purpose of that training was the “extermination” of Tutsis, as Jean-Pierre claimed, rather than preparation for renewed hostilities with the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front. They found that the Interahamwe had drawn up lists of “suspected opponents of the regime,” but such lists were “not focused exclusively on ethnicity.”

Evidence submitted to the tribunal showed that Jean-Pierre may have had other motives for seeking United Nations protection. He had fallen out with party leaders who suspected him of selling arms to rebels in Burundi. Some witnesses believe he might have been an agent of the Rwandan Patriotic Front assigned to penetrate the Interahamwe.

While there is no reliable evidence to back the claim that he was an R.P.F. agent in January 1994, it is clear that he had connections to opposition parties allied with the Tutsi-led rebels. According to United Nations cables, a Hutu opposition leader named Faustin Twagiramungu served as Jean-Pierre’s conduit to General Dallaire. These connections caused French and Belgian analysts to suspect that Jean-Pierre might be spreading “disinformation.”

In his 2003 memoir, “Shake Hands With the Devil,” General Dallaire raised the possibility that his informant had “simply melted back into the Interahamwe, angry and disillusioned at our vacillation and ineffectiveness, and become a genocidaire.” Jean-Pierre told the general’s aides at their final meeting in February 1994 that he was planning to go to Zaire, for “commando training.”

Instead, he went to Tanzania where he joined the R.P.F., according to his wife. In late March, two weeks before the president’s assassination, he moved to a rebel-held enclave in northern Rwanda, where he was reported to be “in very good books with senior members of the R.P.F.” In late 1994, a minister in Rwanda’s new Tutsi-led government informed the family that Jean-Pierre had been “killed in battle.”

The circumstances of his death remain a mystery. As his wife told investigators, “I do not know how he died and where.” She was unable even to establish whether he was “surely dead.”

General Dallaire has told the tribunal that he operated on “instinct” in sending the genocide fax, which was followed up by a series of warnings to New York in early 1994 that were rebuffed or ignored. He sensed that the peacekeeping force had to reassert its authority. But his superiors in New York needed something more than their field commander’s instincts to justify aggressive action.

Newly released State Department records show that United Nations officials briefed the United States, Belgium and France on the emerging crisis, but there was zero enthusiasm in the Clinton administration following the “Black Hawk Down” debacle in Somalia in October 1993. Much stronger intelligence would have been necessary to disrupt the passivity of senior decision makers.

The “Jean-Pierre” revelations are a tantalizing indication of how much we still have to learn about the Rwandan genocide. Records that could shed light on whether it could have been prevented are still classified in Washington, New York, Paris, Brussels, Geneva, Arusha and Kigali — unavailable to the public despite pledges by international leaders to fully investigate the tragedy. In order to draw the correct lessons from history, we must first establish all the facts.

Michael Dobbs directs a Rwanda documentation and oral history project for the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum and the National Security Archive.

 

Madame President? No, Madame Prisoner: Rwanda’s Victoire Ingabire

by Ann Garrison

Victoire Ingabire, imprisoned Rwandan woman leader sentenced to 15 years of jail

Victoire Ingabire, imprisoned Rwandan woman political leader who was sentenced to 15 years of jail on 13/12/13.

The Obama administration and its European allies lavish praise, weapons and money on Paul Kagame’s military and ethnic dictatorship in Rwanda. Meanwhile, Victoire Ingabire, a woman of peace, languishes in Kagame’s prisons. If she were president, “there would be a major change in how Rwandans and Congolese live as neighbors, because that would be the end of Rwanda invading Congo.”

 “Why have President Obama and the U.S. State Department remained so silent about her case?”

Nearly 60% of Rwanda’s Members of Parliament are women, and the country is commonly praised for empowering women. In October 2011,

Rwandan President Paul Kagame’s delirious state newspaper even suggested that he deserved that year’s Nobel Peace Prize more than the three African women who won, because of his “good practices” to “guarantee a future devoid of gender imbalance.” Trouble with this theory is that Madame Victoire Ingabire, the one woman who dared to challenge Paul Kagame by attempting to run against him in 2010, has been in prison ever since. On Friday, December 13th, while Kagame was in South Africa to pay his last respects to Nelson Mandela, his Supreme Court upheld Victoire’s conviction and extended her sentence from eight to fifteen years.

Rwanda’s Supreme Court justices, 42% of whom are women, agreed with the lower court’s ruling that Victoire conspired to form an armed group to overthrow the government of Rwanda, but Human Rights Watch and many others called the charges politically motivated and the European Parliament called for justice and said that the lower court had not met international judicial standards. I myself spoke to Victoire for Pacifica’s KPFA Radio-Berkeley many times in 2010 and I’ve never known anyone so opposed to armed conflict or committed to the rule of law.  Her conviction for this would be a howler if she weren’t facing another twelve years in prison and her family weren’t facing their fourth Christmas without her.

Victoire speaks fluent Dutch, French, Kinyarwanda, and English, but pronounces “dialogue” and “debate” with a distinct and adamant French accent.  After the 2010 release of the UN Mapping Report documenting President Kagame’s army’s war crimes, crimes against humanity, and even genocide against Hutu refugees in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, she told KPFA that the mandate of the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda should be expanded to include crimes in Congo. Instead, she herself went to prison five days later.

Other prisoners who testified to joining her in a conspiracy to form an armed group were granted release for time served on the same day her own conviction was upheld.

President Obama?  

No one would seem to be more respectful of the West’s nominally revered democratic institutions and civil liberties than this Rwandan political prisoner, Victoire Ingabire, so why have President Obama and the U.S. State Department remained so silent about her case?  Neither President Obama nor British Prime Minister David Cameron hesitated to make it known that they had warned President Kagame not to send reinforcements across Rwanda’s western border to his M23 militia in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), when M23 finally faced defeat by the Congolese army and UN Force Intervention Brigade.  So why have they not, like the European Parliament, called on Rwanda, their longstanding ally and “military partner” to respect  judicial standards in Ingabire’s case?

“Victoire stands for negotiation with armed Rwandan refugees in Congo.” 

Many reasons, no doubt, including former President Bill Clinton’s determination to protect his longtime friend Paul Kagame and their mutual determination to preserve the received history of the Rwandan Genocide and ensuing Congo wars and conflict.  Another may be Victoire’s opposition to their longstanding plan to make Rwanda, or at least its modern capital city Kigali, the “Singapore of Africa,” a banking, technology, and minerals processing hub and multinational corporate gateway to the resource riches of the DRC.  In 2010, during her thwarted attempt to run for president, Victoire said:

“The rural population in Rwanda has been neglected for the last 16 years and, instead of the Singapore model of development, which gives the lion’s share to a tiny, urban privileged elite, I would invest in agriculture, I would invest in rural roads and health networks. I would review the land management and I would give priority to the subsistence food crops, rather than cash crops which benefit mostly traders from urban areas. For example, if people cultivate only maize – if you ask them to cultivate only maize for export – what will they eat? This is why I will give priority to enough food to my people.”

Like Tanzanian President Jacaya Kikwete, Victoire stands for negotiation with armed Rwandan refugees in Congo, who have been the Kagame regime’s excuse for invading and plundering that country for years.

“Victoire Ingabire does not believe in invading the neighbors,” said Rwanda Genocide survivor and Friends of the Congo activist Claude Gatebuke.   “So Victoire’s case is very significant, not only for Rwanda, but also for Congo.  If Victoire Ingabire were allowed to run for president in Rwanda, and she won, there would be a major change in how Rwandans and Congolese live as neighbors, because that would be the end of Rwanda invading Congo.”

Imagine that.  After almost 20 years, and millions of Congolese and Rwandan refugees dead.

Speech crime 

The lower court also upheld Victoire Ingabire’s conviction for several speech crimes.

1) “Spreading false rumors” intended to incite the public to rise up against the state.
Enough said, I hope, for anyone who believes in free speech.  Or anyone who understands that Rwanda is an authoritarian spy state that has engaged in a war of aggression in neighboring Congo for nearly 20 years.

2)  “Minimizing” the 1994 Rwandan Genocide.

In 2010, Victoire went to the Kigali Genocide Memorial Centre, and said that Hutu as well as Tutsi victims should be remembered there.  The history of the Rwandan Genocide, codified in Rwanda’s Constitution, is that it was only Hutu extremists’ “Genocide Against the Tutsi.”

Before she went to prison, Victoire told KPFA listeners,“ My party and I have never denied the genocide, by the UN understanding, because the Resolution 955 from UN says that in Rwanda was genocide against the people of Rwanda . . . there was genocide against Tutsis and moderate Hutus. We don’t have to forget that. Yes, there was genocide and all people involved should be brought to the court. But, before, during, and after the genocide, other Rwandese people were killed. Hutus and Tutsis were killed. Is this denying genocide? I don’t feel so.”

It’s difficult to rationally argue with this, because the 1991 Rwandan census, as documented by Ed Herman and David Peterson in The Politics of Genocide, reported a Rwandan population of 7,590,235, including 645,170 Tutsis, more than 300,000 fewer than the million Tutsis commonly reported to have died in the genocide.  And because Ibuka, Rwanda’s Tutsi genocide survivors group, has claimed that some 300,000 of these 645,170 Tutsis survived. President Kagame would therefore seem to have a lot of bones on display in his genocide memorial sites that he can’t properly account for as the result of his Constitutionally codified “Genocide Against the Tutsi.”

“Rwanda is an authoritarian spy state that has engaged in a war of aggression in neighboring Congo for nearly 20 years.”

Ever since I began to try to untangle this story, with my own focus on U.S. responsibility for backing the Kagame regime, Rwandan Hutu people have told me that they simply want to be able to bury and openly mourn their dead, that this is what they must do to heal and reconcile.  Others have told me that they want all the bones buried, not displayed in memorial museums, because it’s not normal in Rwanda to display the bones or body parts of the dead for tourists or anyone else.

To many Rwandans, that is what Victoire Ingabire represents.  Acknowledging, remembering, mourning, and burying all the dead.

Quite a few Rwandans appeared out of cyberspace to respond to my 2010 report,Rwanda’s packed prisons and genocide ideology law.  Some were absolutely furious, others deeply relieved, just because another writer in the U.S., which has been the dominant power in the region since the Rwanda Genocide and Congo Wars, was trying to make sense of this. At that point I realized how bitterly ethnically polarized Rwanda remains, despite the government’s claim that ethnicity no longer exists there.  One reader who appreciated the report left this unforgettable statement in the comments section:

“I am from Kiyombe in Byumba. RPF [Rwandan Patriotic Front] came in 1991 and called all the people from our village for a security meeting.  After people had gathered at the soccer pitch of Kiyombe, Mr. Hitler Kagame ordered his military to bomb the gathering. I escaped and went through the tea plantation and found my way to Uganda.  Ever since I have never returned to Rwanda but I am still considered a genocide denier or genocidaire.  Why? Simply because I am a Hutu and I don’t even have rights to go back to Rwanda and bury my family and relatives in dignity. Do you know how old I was then?  Just 16.  I survived but it is me and me alone.”

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After reading that, I turned to maps and found Kiyombe and Byumba, near the Ugandan border which the RPF, led by General Paul Kagame, had crossed in 1990.  And, which this young man then crossed all alone a year later, running in the other direction as a refugee. I also found the tea plantation that he said he had escaped through, and the tea processing plant nearby.

Source: Black Agenda Report

Yuda wa Karegeya yamenyekanye: Appolo Gafaranga alias Kiririsi Ismael

 

 

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Gafaranga Appolo alias Kiririsi Ismael

Nyuma y’uko uwahoze akuriye iperereza ryo hagati no hanze y’u Rwanda Colonel Patrcik Karegeya yiciwe muri Hotel Michelangelo iri Johannesbourg muri Africa y’epfo, ibinyamakuru bitandukanye ndetse n’imbuga nyinshi zakomeje guhererekanya amakuru ku bijyanye n’urwo rupfu ari nako bagerageza gushakisha ababa bamwishe.

Uza ku murongo wa mbere mu bakekwa ni umugabo wita Appolo Gafaranga ukomoka i Nyamirambo akaba azwi ku mazina ya Appolo Kiririsi Ismael. Uyu mugabo uzwi nk’umu businessman ngo yari asanzwe akorera Col Karegeya amuha amakuru y’ibibera mu gihugu cyane cyane mu migambi mibisha Leta ya Kigali yo guhitana Karegeya.

Nk’uko tubikesha General Kayumba Nyamwasa, ngo uyu Appolo yari inshuti ya Karegeya rwose, ndetse ngo niwe wahamagaye Karegeya ngo bahurire kuri Hotel bagirane inama. Kuba atarahabonetse nyuma biteye ikibazo, ndetse nta washidikanya ko ari we wamugambaniye.

Abazi Appolo bemeza ko akunda ifaranga cyane kandi akaba ari umu criminal wo mu rwego rwo hejuru. Yigeze gufungirwa mu gihugu cy’Ubwongereza azira gucuruza ikiyobyabwenge cya cocaine nyuma aho afunguriwe yaje mu Rwanda cyakora akomeza kugenda akora ubucuruzi budasobanutse, ndetse akenshi niwe watangaga amakuru ku bantu benshi Leta ya Kagame yabaga ishaka biberaga mu mahanga. Aha niho yatangiye gukorana na Karegeya nawe wari ushinzwe iperereza. Ibi kandi ngo Appolo yabikoraga abifatanyije no gukora business yo gucuruza ama visa n’ama passeports y’amahimbano ndetse agakorana n’abashinzwe abinjira n’abasohoka mu bihugu bitandukanye bakabasha kwinjiza abantu mu buryo butemewe n’amategeko.

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Appolo afite byinshi agomba gusubiza ku bijyanye n’urupfu rwa Karegeya

Mu mwaka wa 2004 Appolo yafungiwe muri gereza ya Kigali aregwa ibyaha byo gucuruza abana b’abakobwa abakuye mu Rwanda akabajyana hanze y’igihugu. Ikigaragara ni uko Appolo adatinya gukora ibyaha ngo aratinya gereza. Ashobora kwishyikiriza ubushinjacyaha akavuga ko abantu atazi babaguye gitumo bakica Karegeya, ko we nta ruhare na ruto yabigizemo! Baramutse babitekinitse neza ibimenyetso byabura maze Gafaranga ifaranga rye akarikubita ku mufuka akazamuka i Kigali nk’intwari ya FPR. Gusa rero yibuke ko Kagame yavuze ko uzica mu izina rye nawe azamwiyicira. Bwarakeye biraba da!

Chaste Gahunde

There are few or no more secrets left: NSA ‘hacking unit’ infiltrates computers around the world – report

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Der Spiegel reported that TAO’s areas of operation range from counter-terrorism to cyber attacks. Photograph: Getty Image

A top-secret National Security Agency hacking unit infiltrates computers around the world and breaks into the toughest data targets, according to internal documents quoted in a magazine report on Sunday.

Details of how the division, known as Tailored Access Operations (TAO), steals data and inserts invisible “back door” spying devices into computer systems were published by the German magazine Der Spiegel.

The magazine portrayed TAO as an elite team of hackers specialising in gaining undetected access to intelligence targets that have proved the toughest to penetrate through other spying techniques, and described its overall mission as “getting the ungettable”. The report quoted an official saying that the unit’s operations have obtained “some of the most significant intelligence our country has ever seen”.

NSA officials responded to the Spiegel report with a statement, which said: “Tailored Access Operations is a unique national asset that is on the front lines of enabling NSA to defend the nation and its allies. [TAO’s] work is centred on computer network exploitation in support of foreign intelligence collection.”

Der Spiegel has previously reported on documents leaked by the formerNSA contractor Edward Snowden. The report on Sunday was partly compiled by Laura Poitras, who collaborated with Snowden and the Guardian on the first publication of revelations about the NSA’s collection of the telephone data of thousands of Americans and overseas intelligence targets.

On Friday, the NSA phone data-collection programme was ruled legal by a federal judge in New York, days after a federal judge in Washingtondeclared the operations unconstitutional and “almost Orwellian”.

On Sunday, appearing on the CBS talk show Face the Nation, former air force general and NSA and CIA chief Michael Hayden called Snowden a traitor and accused him of treason. He also accused Snowden of making the NSA’s operation “inherently weaker” by revealing not just the material that comes out of the agency but the “plumbing”, showing how the system works inside the government.

On NBC’s Meet the Press Ben Wizner, a legal adviser to Snowden, said the contrasting opinions of the two federal judges were now likely to see the case end up in front of the supreme court.

“It’s time for the supreme court to weigh in and to see whether, as we believe, the NSA allowed its technological abilities to outpace democratic control,” Wizner said.

Asked if Snowden, who was granted one year’s asylum in Russia, should return to the US to face charges, Wizner said: “For now, he doesn’t believe and I don’t believe that the cost of his act of conscience should be a life behind bars.”

In a recent interview with the Washington Post, Snowden declared that he had “already won” and accomplished what he set out to do. On Sunday, Wizner said Snowden’s mission was to bring the public, the courts and lawmakers into a conversation about the NSA’s work.

“He did his part,” Wizner said. “It’s now up to the public and our institutional oversight to decide how to respond.”

According to the Spiegel report, TAO staff are based in San Antonio, Texas, at a former Sony computer chip factory, not far from another NSAteam housed alongside ordinary military personnel at Lackland Air Force Base. The magazine described TAO as the equivalent of “digital plumbers”, called in to break through anti-spying “blockages”. The team totalled 60 specialists in 2008, the magazine said, but is expected to grow to 270 by 2015.

TAO’s areas of operation range from counter-terrorism to cyber attacks, the magazine said, using discreet and efficient methods that often exploit technical weaknesses in the technology industry and its social media products.

The documents seen by Der Spiegel quote a former chief of TAO saying that the unit “has access to our very hardest targets” and its mission would be to “support computer network attacks as an integrated part of military operations” using “pervasive, persistent access on the global network”.

By 

Source: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/dec/29/der-spiegel-nsa-hacking-unit-tao?CMP=EMCNEWEML6619I2

Soudan du Sud: un avion américain touché

Un avion de l’armée américaine, en mission pour aider aux évacuations de ressortissants américains dans les zones de combat, a été touché samedi par un tir au Soudan du Sud, selon des sources militaire et diplomatique.


Quatre militaires américains auraient été blessés par ce tir contre l’avion à Bor, la capitale de l’Etat de Jonglei, tenue par les rebelles de Riek Machar.

“Après avoir essuyé des tirs à partir du sol en approchant du site, l’appareil s’est dérouté sur un terrain d’aviation en dehors du pays et a interrompu la mission”, déclare le Commandement des États-Unis pour l’Afrique dans un communiqué.


Le président du sud-soudanais Salva Kiir, qui appartient à l’ethnie des Dinkas, accuse son ancien vice-président Riek Machar, un Nuer qu’il a limogé en juillet dernier, d’avoir tenté de s’emparer du pouvoir par la force. Après avoir fait rage dans la capitale Juba, les combats se sont étendus à d’autres régions. 

Source: Le Figaro