Monthly Archives: April 2016

ADELAIDE: Padiri Thomas Nahimana mu ruzinduko rwo gusezera abo muri Australia mbere yo kujya gukorera politiki mu Rwanda .

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Nk’uko ubuyobozi bw’ Ishyaka  ISHEMA ry’u Rwanda bwabitangaje nk’umwe mu myanzuro ya  Kongere yabereye  i Buruseli  kuva taliki ya 15 kugeza  ku ya 17 Mutarama 2016, gahunda yo kujya gukorera politiki mu  Rwanda no kwitabira amatora  yo mu 2017 na 2018  ntikuka. Niyo  mpamvu  Padiri  Thomas  NAHIMANA, Umukandida w’Ishyaka Ishema n’a Nouvelle Génération   atangiye  ingendo  zo gusezera , ubu rero akaba yarangije gusesekara mu gihugu cya Australia.

Hateganyijwe  ko agomba kuganira  n’Abanyarwanda,  Abarundi n’Abanyekongo kuri  ubu  buryo bukurikira :

I. Kuri  uyu wa Gatanu taliki  ya  29/04/2016 , guhera saa kumi n’imwe z’umugoroba kugera saa tatu z’ijoro ( 17h-21h) azaganira n’abatuye  ADELAIDE.

Icyumba  bazahuriramo  kiri muri:

 Mawson Lakes Hotel &Function Centre

10 Main Street,

Mawson Lakes, SA 5095

II. Ku wa Gatandatu  taliki  ya 30/04/2016 , azaganira  n’abatuye  MELBOURNE, guhera saa kumi n’ebyiri z’umugoroba.  ICYUMBA  tuzahuriramo  muzakimenyeshwa.

III. Insanganyamatsiko  y’ikiganiro : « Ibanga ryo gusezerera  ingoma  y’ igitugu no  gushyiraho ubutegetsi butanga amahoro ».

Ushaka amakuru arambuye  yerekeye  gahunda y’uru ruzinduko  n’ibiganiro binyuranye  bizakorwa , yahamagara   tel no  : (+61) 432 547 257.

Twizeye ko muzaza muri benshi kuganira no kugira inama uyu  munyapolitiki wa  Nouvelle Génération.

« Nta wundi  ubitubereyemo ».

 

Emmanuel Mugenzi ,

Komiseri ushinzwe  Australia na New Zealand

ISHEMA Party.

Talking Policy: Anjan Sundaram on Rwanda

Anjan

Anjan Sundarama has worked as a journalist in Rwanda for years.  He has his story to share: “ The underlying tension that caused the genocide has not been addressed. Kagame’s solution was to say that ethnicity was an invention of the Belgian colonial powers that ruled Rwanda for many decades. And so there’s been a de facto ban on speaking about ethnicity in Rwanda…. but…in private Hutus and Tutsis still speak extremely violently and aggressively about the others’ ethnicity. So I would not say there has been a great deal of true reconciliation in Rwanda”.

Following is his interview with The World Policy Journal.

WORLD POLICY JOURNAL: What did you consider your role or your responsibility to be as a foreign journalist working in Rwanda, and how did the restrictions on the local journalists affect this?

ANJAN SUNDARAM: Local journalists and I worked in very different positions. The local journalists were fighting for their own freedom, and they were taking greater risks than I was because their lives were in danger and their families were in danger. They were hoping that their children could live in a better and freer Rwanda.

My own experience was rather different. I had sympathy for my students, so when my students were in trouble I wanted to help them. Of course I was in less danger than they were, but that also meant that I could take greater risks. So during most of my time in Rwanda I did not publish press articles for fear that I would be thrown out of the country and would not be able to help my colleagues and my students. And that was the biggest trade-off; I had to keep silent for a long time. This book is the result of the information and interviews and experiences I gathered during many years of silence in Rwanda, collecting information patiently trying to help [my journalists] as best as I could.

WPJ: You draw parallels between Rwanda’s current political dynamics and those that existed leading up to the genocide in 1994, particularly in terms of the enforcement of a single state-directed narrative and the silencing of alternative voices. What does this suggest about the degree of change that’s happened in the country since the genocide?

AS: On the surface it looks like there’s been a lot of change and a great deal of progress. There’s a lot of calm in Rwanda, it seems stable, and it’s held up by many foreign donors as the island of stability in a troubled region. But the reality is that the same structures that were in place prior to and during the genocide are still in place today, and they’re being reinforced. And this obviously does not augur well for the Rwandan people.

The level of control is extreme—there is no free press, there are no institutions to speak of. Last week President Kagame announced he would run for a third term, violating previous promises to respect what had been a two-term limit in the constitution. Now he’s saying the country needs him and people have asked him to stay on, like many dictators do. But really Rwanda today is a structurally unstable place and there’s very little likelihood that there’ll be a transfer of power without violence.

WPJ: Kagame played a prominent role at the time of the genocide, and he’s still the main figure in the country now. So how much of the problem is tied directly to him, and how much is just how the system operates?

AS: It’s all tied directly to him, he’s the central power in Rwanda and his power is almost absolute, and even his supporters—those who claim he is somewhat democratic and is doing good for Rwanda—would admit that his power is almost absolute. He’s responsible for all the structures that are in place today in Rwanda. And he is directly responsible for the continuation of the system of control that was used to conduct the genocide. He says he is now using that system, or a similar system, for good, but the risk is always that he might make a bad decision, or leadership in Rwanda might change and that the system in place is incredibly powerful and incredibly catastrophic, as we saw during the genocide in 1994. It’s all very well for Kagame to say he’s a good person and is leading the country with good intentions. The reality is that there are almost no checks and balances, and his government and he are capable of doing a great deal of harm, which goes unreported in Rwanda.

WPJ: Do you think Rwandan society has recovered to any extent from the genocide, to whatever degree that’s even possible, even if the state might not have not changed much at its core?

AS: I think there’s very little sense among Rwandans of the existence of individuals with rights, with possibilities. There’s a small elite in the country who feel the sense of possibility, but for the majority they are under the control of the state and their lives are highly restricted. I think there’s been a natural healing process in the last 20 years coming to terms with what’s happened and understanding why that’s happened, and there is a genuine desire among Rwandans that it does not happen again. I think that’s at the root of the obedience toward the current government—[the people] are worried that were they to oppose the government, or were there to be a rebellion, there would be renewed violence. They’re so traumatized by the experience of extreme violence that they accept a great deal of control and repression from the Rwandan state without fighting back or pushing back. The underlying tension that caused the genocide has not been addressed. Kagame’s solution was to say that ethnicity was an invention of the Belgian colonial powers that ruled Rwanda for many decades. And so there’s been a de facto ban on speaking about ethnicity in Rwanda. That unfortunately has not helped reconcile many of the tensions that led to the genocide, and in private Hutus and Tutsis still speak extremely violently and aggressively about the others’ ethnicity. So I would not say there has been a great deal of true reconciliation in Rwanda.

WPJ: Another issue that you bring up in the book is the role of foreign embassies in supporting the Rwandan government and its repression by providing large sums of aid. What do you think foreign governments should be doing about the current situation in Rwanda, and why are they not doing it?

AS: I think foreign governments are very well aware of the repression in Rwanda, I think there’s a perverse situation right now in which foreign governments are hard pressed to find aid that delivers results worldwide. And Rwanda is one of the few countries where aid plans are actually executed according to plan, largely because of the repressive government. For aid agencies this is a paradise—they come in with their plans and their plans are executed almost as they’ve been drawn up. It’s led to a perverse situation where aid agencies and foreign governments benefit from the repression, so they have no interest in disrupting it. Foreign aid officials are getting promotions and receiving plaudits for excellent management of aid programs, so the repression is actually serving foreign governments’ interests.

The real question is why is the world financing a dictatorship. In the case of an emergency there is no excuse for not intervening. But Rwanda is not in emergency today. The aid that is being provided is for long-term development, and most of it is being channeled through the Rwandan government or for government-supported projects. Foreign donors providing this aid could influence the Rwandan government a great deal but choose not to. Aid that is sent directly to NGOs and independent organizations on the ground would not reinforce the government’s repressive mechanisms in the same way. That already would always be a huge improvement in the way that aid is managed. I think donors or foreign governments have not even begun to assess that they might be doing harm and bolstering the Rwandan government. If there was a way to support the Rwandan people who need support—by alleviating poverty and improving health—without directly going through the Rwandan government, that might be a far more effective and less fraught way of providing foreign aid.

WPJ: The period that the book covers ends in late 2013. Has the state of independent journalism changed at all since that time?

AS: Not at all, there is no free press in the country today. When the Rwandan government held a referendum in the country to decide whether the two-term limit on presidents should be removed, apparently only 10 Rwandans in a country of more than 10 million opposed his run for a third term. This speaks volumes about how little freedom of speech there is in Rwanda, how few people actually dare to speak up. There are good journalists in Rwanda who know how journalism should be practiced, but unfortunately they’re all too scared. They’ve seen too many of their colleagues murdered, imprisoned, tortured, or having to flee the country to save their lives.

The Rwandan government does not understand the benefits that free press would provide to the country’s development. It doesn’t understand how free press needs certain protection and that a free press would criticize the government, and that this is a good thing. It also makes the argument that free press—particularly radio broadcasts—contributed to the genocide in 1994. This is a false argument because while the genocide was happening, any media that spoke up against the killing was shut down. There was only a single voice in the country, much as there is now. During the genocide, that single voice was advocating genocide, and people who opposed it were killed or imprisoned. There’s a very similar situation in Rwanda today, where the government’s voice is the only voice in the country, and journalists know that were they to oppose that voice, the consequences would be dire.

WPJ: Based on your description of the narrative that’s carefully crafted by President Kagame’s regime, your book represents a disruption to the way that the country is typically portrayed, both in domestic media in Rwanda and in international media. What do you think the response in Rwanda—and particularly the government’s response—will  be?

AS: Historically the government has allowed English press to exist in Rwanda, even that which is critical of the government, because English is only spoken by a tiny minority of elite with very little incentive to disrupt the current power structure. I know that my book is being read in Rwanda because I am receiving emails from people who have somehow obtained copies. Because of Kagame’s announcement last week that he will stand for a third term, this is a particularly sensitive time in Rwanda, and the book is disruptive in that sense.

I thought there was almost an obligation to write about what I experienced, even if it’s merely to put on the record what happened. Most of the repression is forgotten. Most of the journalists who have been killed or exiled are simply forgotten. There are many great people who stood up to the Rwandan government, who saw the increasing repression, and knew that this was not the direction in which the country should be heading, particularly in a country with a history of genocide. They knew that the risk was great and they were brave enough to stand up to the government, and they suffered for it. And now they’re mostly forgotten. I wanted to correct that in some way, and record as much as I could of their stories.

Source: World Policy Journal

Uwapfuye yarihuse: Mu Rwanda abasenga Imana barahohoterwa, abasenga Shitani bagahabwa urubuga!

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Si ubwa mbere abagize amatsinda y’Intwarane za Mariya bafatwa  na Leta ya Kigali

Mu gihe Leta ya FPR yemerera amadini ya Shitani gukorera ku mugaragaro irafunga, ikica rubozo Intwarane za Yezu na Mariya kuko zidasenga uko FPR ibyifuza.

Mu by’ukuri nta kindi intwarane zizira uretse gutobora zigahanura ko igihugu cyifashe nabi kubera ibikorwa bibi by’ubutegetsi bw igitugu! Baraburira Abanyarwanda ko ibyago bikomeye byenda kubagwa hejuru niba ubutegetsi butaretse ibikorwa bikomeza kurenganya rubanda.

Kubera ko amadini asenga Shitani yo yikundira ibikorwa by’umwijima, niyo afite amahirwe yo gushimagizwa n’ingoma ya Kagame.

Hari ikibazo umuntu yakwibaza: nk’abayobozi b’amadini akomeye bavuga ko nta pfunwe baterwa no kwicarana bakaganira n’Abakozi ba Shitani ariko bakihakana Intwarane, umuntu yabashyira mu kihe gice?

 

Ngaho nawe isomere iyi nkuru y’Igihe.com maze wirebere uko Intwarane 38 ziri kugaraguzwa agati, zigaharabikwa, zikagerekwaho ibyaha bihimbano,zigafatwa ku ngufu ngo zijye kwicirwa rubozo mu bigo bise iby inzerereziI mu gihe Abasenga Shitani bo bafite ababavuganira hejuru iyo mu Rugwiro!

Why The Show Trial Of My Two Brothers Has Made Me Reflect Harder On Me

The show trial of my brothers Frank Rusagara and Tom Byabagamba has made me take a harder look at myself. To be sure this was a show trial. The term “show trial” dates back to what became known as “the Great Purge” or “the Great Terror” in the old Soviet Union. The Great Terror was a campaign of political repression in Soviet Union in 1936-1938 period, involving a large-scale purge of party cadres, government officials, repression of rural populations, as well as the military ranks. This was a period of widespread police surveillance, suspicion of “saboteurs,” imprisonment, and arbitrary executions. It is estimated that during the Great Purge between 600,000 and 1.2 million innocent people were murdered by Joseph Stalin’s Soviet regime.

The trial of Rusagara and Byabagamba was no more than a show trial. The entire case was largely built on “hearsay” — which is generally considered inadmissible in most countries in the world. This trial lacked the opposite of hearsay, namely, demonstrative evidence, documentary evidence, and testimonial evidence. Revealingly, in one of testimonial evidence, a witness for the government, David Kabuye, who had earlier testified that he did not hear Frank Rusagara talk ill of the regime, changed his mind and said he had heard Rusagara say bad things. What a shame.

The reason that this show trial made me think harder about myself is simple. I realized that the Kagame regime has been conducting show trials for sometime now. But due to my ethnic Tutsi bias, I was blind to the show trials — these show trials involved mostly members of the Hutu community. Let us look at two cases for illustration.

Bizimungu — from president to prisoner

Take the case of Pasteur Bizimungu. Here was a former Rwandan head of state, and a symbol of reconciliation in the country, that was sentenced to 15 years in prison in show trial, later pardoned. The former head of state remains a prisoner, unwell, and not allowed to travel overseas for treatment. An ethnic Hutu from the northern Gisenyi Province — same region of President Habyarimana stronghold — Bizimungu became a member of the then rebel RPF. He was one of the group’s few Hutu members who joined the movement during its push into Rwanda from neighboring Uganda. A trained lawyer, Bizimungu was involved in negotiating the Arusha peace accords between 1992 and 1994. He was then given the role of president until 2000 when he resigned, amid growing differences with the Rwandan military strongman, Paul Kagame. Shortly afterwards, Bizimungu was put under house arrest and stripped of the privileges enjoyed by former heads of state.

The Rwandan brave who sought to lead Rwanda

Then we have the show trial of Victoire Umuhoza Ingabire. Here is a Rwandan brave who sought to run against the Rwandan strongman in the August 2010 elections. Married and a mother of three, Ingabire was an executive in the Netherlands. She resigned after deciding to dedicate herself to political leadership of her homeland. Upon returning to her country after 16 years in exile, Umuhoza ended up in jail instead.

She was placed under house arrest, and later put on a show trial that charged her with terrorism, genocide ideology, and threatening national security.

Niemöller in his later years

The show trial of my brothers Frank and Tom just made realize that I may be the new Friedrich Gustav Emil Martin Niemöller.

Niemöller was a German pastor during the Nazi regime. He was initially a supporter of Adolf Hitler but soon realized that the dictator was no good. The pastor soon became one of the founders of the Confessional Church, which vehemently opposed the Nazis. Martin Niemöller was to later explain his circumstance as follows:

When the Nazis came for the communists,
I remained silent;
I was not a communist.

When they locked up the social democrats,
I remained silent;
I was not a social democrat.

When they came for the trade unionists,
I did not speak out;
I was not a trade unionist.

When they came for the Jews,
I remained silent;
I wasn’t a Jew.

When they came for me,
there was no one left to speak out.

Himbara the Rwandan Niemöller?

And so I here I am. In my case, I must say the following:

When they locked up Pasteur Bizimungu,
I remained silent;
I was not a Hutu.

When they came for Umuhoza Ingabire,
I did not speak out;
I was not a Hutu.

When they came for my brothers Frank and Tom,
there was no one left to speak out.

I am on my knees now — asking for forgiveness from my Hutu sisters and brothers, and for praying for my brothers Frank and Tom.

Source: David Himbara

Nous connaissons ces derniers jours – comme chaque année certes, à l’époque anniversaire du début du génocide de 1994, mais de manière plus virulente encore que d’habitude – une vague d’attaques contre la France et l’armée française, orchestrée depuis Kigali mais relayée en France même par les groupes de pression habituels, avec le soutien de certains parlementaires et de personnalités telle Sylvie Brunel par exemple qui ne connaissent rien au drame rwandais mais qui donnent dans le panneau sous de nobles prétextes moraux et humanitaires !
Ce texte d’Hervé Cheuzeville est excellent parce que juste et objectif, et mériterait d’être très largement diffusé, notamment auprès des personnalités et des médias traitant de l’Afrique et de la France
Jacques Hogard

 

Depuis plus de 20 ans, les mensonges, les approximations et les accusations fleurissent autour du 6 avril. C’est en effet ce jour-là qu’en 1994, l’avion qui transportait les présidents rwandais et burundais fut abattu par un missile, à proximité de l’aéroport de Kigali. Cet événement déclencha, dès le lendemain, de terribles massacres de civils dans la capitale puis dans tout le pays.
Ce mois d’avril 2016 ne fait pas exception. On assiste à nouveau à un florilège de contre-vérités et de commémorations à sens unique, en plus des habituelles accusations contre la France venant du dictateur rwandais Paul Kagame. J’ai ainsi découvert que la ville de Paris avait transformé l’un de ses jardins publics en « Jardin à la mémoire du génocide des Tutsi au Rwanda ». Comme si cela ne suffisait pas, la plaque qui porte cette appellation indique, en sous-titre, qu’« en 1994 au Rwanda, plus d’un million d’hommes, de femmes et d’enfants ont été exterminés en trois mois car nés Tutsi ». Les édiles parisiens ont-ils choisi cette terminologie par ignorance ou par volonté délibérée de transformer un mensonge mille fois répété en vérité officielle ? Me voici donc contraint d’informer madame Hidalgo et ses collègues que :
1) Les massacres, au Rwanda, n’ont pas débuté le 7 avril 1994 et ils ne se sont pas achevés trois mois après cette date. Ils débutèrent peu après l’attaque lancée contre le Rwanda par des éléments de l’armée ougandaise, le 1er octobre 1990. Il est vrai qu’ils connurent un paroxysme durant les terribles cent jours qui suivirent le 6 avril 1994. Mais ces massacres ne touchèrent pas les seuls Tutsis : de nombreux Hutus, opposés au pouvoir en place, en furent aussi les victimes.
Alors que se déroulaient ces atrocités à Kigali, sous le regard de journalistes étrangers, des massacres de grande ampleur étaient perpétrés par les troupes du FPR, au fur et à mesure de leur avancée victorieuse. Ils se poursuivirent encore longtemps après la prise de Kigali au début de juillet 1994. Se souvient-on du massacre de la population du camp de déplacés de Kibeho des 22 et 23 avril 1995 ? Au moins 5.000 hommes, femmes et enfants furent massacrés par les soldats du FPR, sous les yeux des Casques bleus australiens. A-t-on oublié les massacres, en particulier dans le nord du pays, qui ponctuèrent le règne du FPR jusqu’en 1998 ? Enfin, que dire de la chasse aux réfugiés rwandais à laquelle se livra l’armée du FPR en territoire congolais à partir de septembre 1996 ? Au moins 200.000 de ces réfugiés en furent les victimes.
2) Le nombre des Tutsis du Rwanda était généralement estimé à environ 12 % de la population totale, soit environ 840.000 personnes. Si « un million » de Tutsis avaient été assassinés durant les trois terribles mois de 1994, cela signifierait que 14,3 % de la population rwandaise a été exterminée et qu’aucun Tutsi n’a survécu. Or, une bonne partie de la communauté tutsie a fort heureusement survécu. Cette froide démonstration mathématique prouve donc que nombre de non-Tutsis furent également victimes des massacres.
La ville de Paris n’aurait-elle pas mieux fait d’honorer la mémoire du million d’hommes, de femmes et d’enfants rwandais qui furent massacrés pendant la guerre du Rwanda en nommant son jardin public « Jardin de la mémoire du génocide rwandais » ? Ou bien son maire et ses conseillers municipaux pensent-ils, comme Dominique Sopo, qu’« évoquer le sang des Hutu, c’est salir le sang des Tutsi » ?
Le génocide rwandais a été commis par des Rwandais contre des Rwandais. Les bourreaux qui le perpétrèrent étaient des Hutus mais aussi des Tutsis. Les victimes étaient, elles aussi, tutsies et hutues. Honorer la mémoire d’une partie des victimes est une abomination. C’est ce qui se fait au Rwanda depuis juillet 1994. Il est bien triste de voir la ville de Paris emboîter le pas au dictateur de Kigali !
Hervé Cheuzeville Journaliste

Kwibuka 22: Kwibuka bikwiye guharirwa amadini n’amashyirahamwe ategamiye kuri Leta.

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KU NCURO YA 22, Leta ya FPR-Inkotanyi irahamagarira Abanyarwanda bose kwitabira  ibikorwa binyuranye byo kwibuka ubwicanyi ndengakamere bwahekuye Abanyarwanda. Kwibuka ni byiza, iyo bikozwe neza bishobora kuruhura imitima . Icyokora iyo bikozwe nabi bisenyagura imitima,  bigacamo abaturage ibice, bikoreka igihugu.
I. KUNAMA NO KWIBUKA BIRI UKUBIRI
Hari ukunama no kwibuka abawe:  ku giti cyawe cyangwa mu rwego rw’umuryango nyakwigendera yavukagamo.  Hakaba kunama no kwibuka mu rwego rw’igihugu hashingiwe ku murongo wa  politiki igenwa n’ubutegetsi bw’igihugu.  Si byiza kwitiranya nkana izi nzego zombi.
Ubusanzwe, iyo umuntu atakaje uwo bafitanye isano rikomeye kandi yakundaga , ibyo byago bimutera  kwiyumvamo icyiyumviro gikomeye cy’ AGAHINDA kamwinjiza mu cyunamo. Icyunamo ni igihe gikomeye cyo gusenyagurika mu mutima ndetse no mu mubiri kubera gutakaza umuntu  (cyangwa ikintu cy’agaciro gakomeye)  wakundaga. Indi ntambwe y’ icyunamo ni ukwakira ibyabaye, ugatangira ibikorwa byo kwiyubaka kugira ngo ubuzima bukomeze.
KWIBUKA bishobora guhora bikorwa ariko ICYUNAMO cyo nticyagenewe guhoraho iteka.  Icyunamo gikozwe neza kigomba kudatinda kugeza ukirimo ku ntambwe yo kurekura uwagiye n’ ibyahise noneho agatangira kwitabira ibikorwa byo kwiyubaka kugira ngo ukiriho akomeze abeho.  Iyi ntambwe igerwago ari uko Icyunamo cyacunzwe neza hakabaho ibikorwa byo kwegera uwagize ibyago ntahere mu bwigunge,  ahubwo akabona abamuyagira,  bakamufata mu mugongo, bakamufasha gusenga, bakamugoboka bamuha utwo akeneye ( ibiribwa, imyambaro, gusana inzu….) , kuruhuka , kuganira bibukiranya ibyiza byaranze nyakwigendera.  Iyo ugize ibyago bikwinjiza mu cyunamo ukabura abagufasha kunama uko bikwiye AGAHINDA gashobora kugushegesha ndetse hakaba n’ubwo kaguhitana ! Mu by’ukuri hari benshi binjira mu cyunamo bakagiheramo , bakakigwamo.
Mu muco nyarwarwanda byari bimenyerewe ko icyunamo kitarenza iminsi munani, hanyuma imirimo y’ubuzima busanzwe ikongera igatangira(guhinga,  gucuruza, iminsi mikuru nko gucyuza amakwe. ..).
Nanone ariko gutakaza umuntu umwe ujyanywe n’Urupfu rusanzwe bifite aho bitandukaniye no gutakaza abantu benshi icyarimwe, bakomoka mu miryango inyuranye , kandi bishwe n’abandi bantu, ndetse bigaragara ko n’ubutegetsi bubifitemo uruhare kandi aribwo busanganywe inshingano yo kubarengera. Ibyatubayeho mu  Rwanda mu 1994 biherekeza intambara yatangiye  taliki ya 1/10/1990 , byasabaga koko ko hashyirwaho gahunda yo KWIBUKA MURI RUSANGE kuko twatakaje abantu benshi cyane.  Gusa byumvikane ko aho ibihe bigeze icyo Abanyarwanda bakeneye atari ugusubizwa mu bikorwa by’ icyunamo buri mwaka ( guhora bashyingura buri mwaka. ….). Icyo bategereje kuri  Leta ni ukubafasha KWIBUKA ariko bigakorwa mu buryo bububaka, bukubaka n’igihugu.
II. ICYUNAMO  CYO MU RWEGO RWA POLITIKI  kigirira abaturage akamaro iyo kije cyubahiriza intambwe zigize icyunamo gisanzwe.
Uko twabonye  politiki ya FPR-INKOTANYI  yerekeye ICYUNAMO no KWIBUKA , hagaragaramo byinshi bikwiye kunengwa ndetse no guhindurwa.  Dore ibyingenzi muri byo:
(1) Igikwiye gushimwa ni « igitekerezo » cyo gufasha abaturage guhora BIBUKA ibyababayeho kugira ngo bahaguruke baharanire ko bitazongera .
(2) Icyo FPR-INKOTANYI ikora buri mwaka si ugufasha abaturage KWIBUKA ahubwo ni ukubasubiza mu cyunamo KIBISI  ku mpamvu za politiki : niyo mpamvu buri mwaka hagomba kuboneka byanze bikunze imibiri y’Abatutsi ishyingurwa !Abagishyingura ababo baba bakiri mu cyunamo koko.  Nk’uko bigaragarira buri wese, nta bwo  FPR yifuza ko iyo ntambwe isozwa ngo haterwe iyo KWIBUKA  hashyizwe imbere ibikorwa byo kubaka ubuzima.  Ibaze nawe : haramutse hari imibiri yibagiranye itahuwe hagati mu mwaka, ni ngombwa ko itegereza ukwezi kwa Mata kugira ngo ishyingurwe mu nzibutso?Ese ubutaha nidufata igihe cyo kwibaza aho iyo mibiri itabura kuri Rendez-vous ya buri mwaka ituruka tuzaba dukosheje ?
(3) Kwibuka buri mwaka abenegihugu bo mu bwoko bw’Abatutsi bahitanywe n’ubwicanyi LONI yise Jenoside y’Abanyarwanda yo mu 1994  birakwiye koko, kandi birakenewe. Gusa iyo uku kwibuka  guhinduwe intwaro ya politiki  ihoraho yo (a) guhembera umujinya, (b) gufungirana abaturage  mu bwoba no mu gahinda , (c)kwimakaza irondakoko …byo bikwiye kwamaganwa n’abantu bose bashyira mu gaciro.
(4) Kubangamira nkana, guhunyagiza, gutererana no gushinyagurira imfubyi n’abapfakazi bo mu bwoko bw’Abahutu nabo biciwe ababo batagira ingano guhera taliki ya 1/10/1990, (ubwicanyi bwakorewe mu Rwanda no muri Kongo , LONI ikaba itarashyiraho Urukiko Mpuzamahanga  ruzemeza bidasubirwaho ko ubwo bwicanyi nabwo ari Jenoside );  kubabuza gushyingura ababo mu cyubahiro ,  kubabuza kubibuka ku mugaragaro, KWIBA IBISIGAZWA BY’IMIRAMBO  y’Abahutu bishwe na FPR  igashyirwa mu nzibutso ikitwa iy’Abatutsi. … iyo ibikorwa nk’ibi bibi bikozwe na Leta birasenya bikabije. Abantu bose bashyira mu gaciro bakwiye kugira inama FPR  igahagarika ibikorwa nk’ibi bisenyagura imitima y’abenegihugu mu kubaheza ku ngoyi y’ibyiyumviro by’ Agahinda, ubwoba n’uburakari bizwiho kuba ibivumbikisho bishobora guhembera urwango n’umwiryane mu bana b’ u Rwanda. Ushaka kumenya no kurwanya abacura kandi bagacirira nkana « Ingengabitekerezo ya Jenoside  »  » ya vrai  » yahera kuri abo !
UMWANZURO
Ntabwo rwose wavuga ko urimo wubaka UBUMWE bw’ Abanyarwanda n’UBWIYUNGE mu benegihugu bose, mu gihe ukora uko ushoboye kose ngo habeho igice kimwe cy’Abenegihugu kiririmba INTSINZI,  kigasuzugura abandi,  kikitwara  nk’aho abandi bo batagira umutima n’ umubiri bibabara.  Nta munyarwanda ufite umwihariko wo kubabara  (Nul ne peut se targuer de jouir du monopole de la souffrance ). Nyamara icyo tugaya  FPR-INKOTANYI , ni uko mu bikorwa byayo binyuranye, ihora ishaka gucengeza mu mitwe ya bamwe mu Batutsi badashishoza ko ari bo bonyine bafite uburenganzira bwo kubabara, kuririrwa no guhozwa. Kwamagana politiki mbisha nk’ iyi y’ ivangura no gucamo ibice abenegihugu si uguhinduka « Umuhakanyi wa Jenoside » ahubwo ni inshingano ikomeye ku  Benegihugu bose bashyira mu gaciro kandi bifuriza u Rwanda amahoro n’ejo hazaza hatekanye. Guheranwa n’amarira siwo muti.
Mu by’ukuri turasanga ibikorwa bya Leta bigamije guhora bisubiza abaturage mu cyunamo kibisi byari bikwiye guhagarikwa naho ibikorwa byo KWIBUKA buri mwaka mu rwego rw’igihugu  bikamburwa Ishyaka rya politiki rya FPR-Inkotanyi   ahubwo bigaharirwa amadini n’andi mashyirahamwe ategamiye kuri Leta. Nibwo bitakongera guhindurwa igikoresho kibisha cya politiki isenya.
Ntawe ukwiye kubangamira intambwe zigize  icyunamo kigomba gukorwa mu rwego rw’ umuryango Nyakwigendera avukamo.  Uburenganzira bwo gushyingura umurambo w’uwawe,  nta Leta igizwe n’abantu bazima yakwiha   ububasha bwo kubuhonyora.  Turasaba FPR kureka Abanyarwanda bose bagashyingura ababo uko bikwiye kandi bakajya bakora imihango n’ imigenzo yo kubibuka nta terabwoba bashyizweho.
Twifurije Abanyarwanda bose kwitabira ibikorwa bizima byo kwibuka,  bakabikora BIBUKA BOSE kandi birinda guhindurwa abacakara b ‘Agahinda,  Ubwoba n’Uburakari.
YEZU wazutse mu bapfuye niyakire abacu bose bishwe bazira ubusa,  abiyereke iteka,  baruhukire mu mahoro. Amen.
Padiri Thomas Nahimana ,
Umuyobozi w’Ishyaka Ishema ry’u Rwanda.

Col MARCHAL écrit à Hérvé Féron sur la commémoration du génocide rwandais.

Herve FERON

Monsieur le Député-Maire,

Dans le contexte de la commémoration annuelle du génocide de 1994, vous avez récemment effectué une visite au Rwanda. Soyons clair, par votre présence vous avez cautionné le système de pensée unique que le pouvoir en place à Kigali tente, depuis 1994, d’imposer à la communauté internationale et à sa propre population, en excluant du devoir de mémoire collectif les innombrables victimes n’appartenant pas à la communauté des Tutsis.

C’est, précisément, pour avoir rappelé cette réalité que Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, candidate à l’élection présidentielle en 2010, a été condamnée à 15 ans de réclusion et ce, à l’issue d’une parodie de justice, ce que n’a pas manqué de dénoncer la Fondation Jean Jaurès.

Je tiens à préciser, sans la moindre ambiguïté, que je considère le génocide des Tutsis comme un fait incontestable. Cette matérialité ne peut, toutefois, servir d’épouvantail et occulter les massacres à grande échelle perpétrés par le Front patriotique rwandais, au Rwanda et dans le Congo voisin, à l’égard des Hutus et des Congolais.

Je prends l’initiative de vous exprimer mon sentiment parce que si certains ont pu être abusés en toute bonne foi au début, quant à la nature exacte du régime de Paul Kagame, par contre, ensuite et depuis de nombreuses années, les preuves objectives se sont à ce point accumulées que toute compromission avec ce régime liberticide et mortifère ne peut être considérée que comme un appui, si pas un encouragement, à ses multiples dérives totalitaires.

Je citerai comme éléments objectifs : les rapports Hourigan, Gersony, Garreton, Pillay, ceux relatifs au pillage des richesses de la République démocratique du Congo. Cette liste est malheureusement loin d’être exhaustive. Je suis convaincu que vous en connaissez la teneur.

Tout comme vous n’ignorez sans doute pas les diverses résolutions prises par le Parlement européens au sujet du Rwanda. Notamment celle du 23 mai 2013, prise en session plénière à Strasbourg. Celle-ci était présentée par cinq groupes parlementaires européens dont deux groupes de gauche : les Socialistes et démocrates au PE et la Gauche unitaire européenne/Gauche verte nordique.

Tout lecteur du texte de la résolution notera que son contenu et les termes utilisés sont sans la moindre ambiguïté à l’égard de Paul Kagame et de son total mépris pour la démocratie et les droits de l’homme. Nous sommes très loin du politiquement correct, style généralement adopté par ce genre d’assemblée.

En guise d’illustration, voici quelques-unes des formulations utilisées dans la résolution :

(…) le FPR demeure le parti politique dominant au Rwanda sous le président Kagame et contrôle la vie publique dans le contexte d’un système de parti unique où les personnes formulant des critiques à l’encontre des autorités rwandaises font l’objet de harcèlements, d’intimidations et sont mises en prisons.

(…) le droit et le système judiciaire rwandais enfreignent les conventions internationales auxquelles le Rwanda est partie (…) notamment ses dispositions sur la liberté d’expression et de pensée.

(…) le respect des droits de l’homme fondamentaux, y compris le pluralisme politique et la liberté d’expression et d’association, sont gravement restreints au Rwanda (…).

(…) le procès en première instance de Victoire Ingabire qui ne respectait pas les normes internationales, en premier lieu en ce qui concerne son droit à la présomption d’innocence, et était basé sur des preuves fabriquées et des aveux de co-accusés qui ont été placés en détention militaire au Camp Kami où on aurait eu recours à la torture pour leur extorquer lesdits aveux.

(…) la nature politiquement motivée du procès, la poursuite d’opposants politiques et l’issue décidée à l’avance du procès.

(…) les libertés de réunion, d’association et d’expression sont des composantes essentielles de toute démocratie, et estime que ces principes font l’objet de graves restrictions au Rwanda.

(…) condamne toute forme de répression, d’intimidation et de détention à l’égard de militants politiques, de journalistes et de défenseurs des droits de l’homme ; demande instamment aux autorités rwandaises de libérer immédiatement toutes les personnes et tous les militants emprisonnés ou condamnés pour le seul exercice de leurs droits à la liberté d’expression, d’association et de réunion pacifique.

(…) rappelle que les déclarations obtenues en employant la torture et autres formes de mauvais traitements ne sont admissible dans aucune procédure.

(…) rappelle aux autorités rwandaises que la démocratie se fonde sur un gouvernement pluraliste, une opposition effective, des médias et un système judiciaire indépendants, le respect des droits de l’homme et des droits de réunion et d’expression (…).

Monsieur le Député-Maire, je suis intiment convaincu que vous ne partagez en aucune façon les principes de gouvernance stigmatisés par le Parlement européen. Pourtant par votre récente démarche au Rwanda, vous vous faites complice d’un régime qui n’a de cesse de reléguer la grosse majorité de sa population à l’état de citoyens de seconde zone et ce, au mépris le plus total des droits les plus élémentaires de la personne humaine.

Je me permets, au nom des millions de victimes rwandaises et congolaises pour lesquelles justice n’a toujours pas été rendue, de vous présenter mes salutations distinguées.

Le-colonel-en-retraite-Luc-Marchal-en-2010-

Luc Marchal
ancien commandant du Secteur Kigali
Mission des Nations unies pour l’assistance au Rwanda

Source: http://www.musabyimana.net

Arizona: Twiyemeje gusezerera umuco mubi wo kwituramira ibintu bicika!

ARIZONA team

Ikipe izakomeza guhuza abandi.

Nk’uko twari twatumiye Padiri Thomas Nahimana ngo aze kutuganirira ibyerekeye Inzira y ‘amahoro,  koko yaraje kuri iki cyumeru taliki ya 3/4/2016 kandi ikiganiro cyagenze neza. Cyitabiriwe n’Abanyarwanda,  Abarundi n’Abanyekongo benshi. Ngerageje kuvuga muri make ibyo twaganiriye,  nabishyira mu bice bitatu:

I. Twasuzumye uko abantu bakunze kwitwara imbere y’akarengane bagiriwe cyangwa kagiriwe abo.

1.Aha twabonye ko abantu benshi cyane bakunze guhitamo KWITURAMIRA babitewe ahanini n’uko bibona nk’abanyantegenke bityo ubwoba bukabaganza. KWITURAMIRA ni ukutagira icyo ukora,  ni ukutifatanya n’abashaka kugira icyo bakora ngo barwanye akarengane kariho.  Nanone ariko twabonye ko uyu muco ariwo mubi cyane kuko utiza umurindi Abanyagitugu n’abafite ingeso yo kurenganya rubanda.  Abaturamyi nibo bavamo abagambanyi, nibo bahindurwa ibikoresho n’abanyagitugu kugirango rubanda ikomeze ihamishwe ku ngoyi.

2. Twasanze ko hariho n’abantu b’intwari bahitamo KWIHAGARARAHO,  babibonera ubushobozi bagafata intwaro bakarasana n’umunyagitugu . Twabonye ko gufata intwaro ugahangana n’umunyagitugu bisumbije agaciro ukwituramira.  Urwana aba ateye intambwe yo kwanga akarengane n’agasuzuguro bityo akiyemeza guharanira impinduka nziza.  Gusa rero twibajije niba kwirenganura uhutaza abandi bitanga igisubizo gikuraho akarengane. Twasubije amaso inyuma tureba ibyabaye mu bihugu byinshi dusanga abafashe intwaro ngo bakureho ingoma z’igitugu zikandamiza rubanda baragiye bashyiraho ubutegetsi burusha ubugome ubwo bakuyeho.  Twasobanukiwe n’ukuntu kwirenganura ukoresheje Violence, aho gukemura ikibazo cy’akarengane n’urugomo biracyongera ndetse bikabyara Uruhererekana rw’umwiryane udashira (Spirale de violence). Muri make nta gisubizo kirambye wakura mu kwirenganura uhutaza abandi.

3. Twasanze hari indi nzira ishoboka . Iyo nzira ni iy’uko abatemera akarengane BAKWISUGANYA,  bagatangira ibikorwa byo kwanga kujya mu mujishi  (désobéissance civile), bakanga kuyoboka gahunda mbisha z’ubutegetsi cyangwa urwego rubarenganya( Non coopération ) kandi bagategura uko bashyiraho inzego nshya z’ubuyobozi butarenganya rubanda (Alternative ). Gusa kugira ngo iyi nzira itungane igomba kubakirwa ku bushake bwo kutagirira abandi ibikorwa by’urugomo ahubwo igashyira imbere ukuvugisha ukuri,  ugukunda igihugu  n’ukutarenganya abandi. Iyi nzira iyo yitabiriwe na rubanda bwangu,  ikagira umuriri mwinshi niyo yitwa REVOLISIYO ya rubanda.

Icyiza cy’iyi nzira ni uko idasaba amafaranga y’ikirenga cyangwa ibikoresho by’akataraboneka nka byabindi bikenerwa mu ntambara y’amasasu.  Iyo nzira isaba UBUSHAKE N’UKWIYEMEZA kw’abaturage barambiwe gutegekeshwa igitugu n’akarengane. Iyi  nzira kandi itanga igisubizo kirambye kuko isubiza ubutegetsi mu maboko ya rubanda maze abaturage bagasubirana uburenganzira bwo kwihitiramo ababayobora batagombye gushyirwaho agahato.  Iyi nzira yatanga ibisubizo BYIHUSE mu Karere k ibiyaga bigari.

II. Twize gusuzuma no kugendera kure « Politiki yo kuraariira amahuri »

Iyi mvugo shusho yadufashije kumva ibanga rikomeye ryerekeye Opozisiyo ikorwa mu Karere k’Ibiyaga bigari. Mu buzima busanzwe, iyo inkoko yigomwe ibyumweru bitatu byose, idatarabuka, itarya, itanga,  …ibundikiriye amagi yayo, iba yifuza ko ayo magi yaturagwa neza, akavamo imishwi bityo hakabaho kororoka. Iyo inkoko  igize ibyago « ikararira amahuri » atazavamo inkoko iba iruhira ubusa. Ingorane nk’izo zibaho no mu rwego rwa politiki.

Twasanze impamvu zikwega  « Politiki yo kuraariira amahuri’  zakumvikana mu bice bibiri:

1.Hari Abalideri b’imitwe ya politiki n’amashyirahamwe ya politiki bakomeza gushuka rubanda ngo BABIBABEREYEMO, bakabagaburira IGIHUHA gusa,  kandi nabo ubwabo bazi neza ko nta kintu gifatika bakora kugira ngo impinduka zifuzwa zigerweho. Ibi nabyo byagereranywa no  » kurarira amahuri ».

2. Hari abaturage biyemeje guheranwa n’ubwoba, bahitamo kwisubirira mu bucakara,  ku buryo bumva ibyerekeye kwibohoza bitabareba. Bene abo ntacyo bafasha abiyemeje kwitangira impinduka, ahubwo ugasanga banabaca intege.  Bene aba nibo usanga mu mujishi w’ingoma y’igitugu, bakayitera inkunga,  bakayongerera ingufu . Kwitangira kubohoza abadashaka kwibohoza biragoye cyane,  bishobora gusa rwose no « kurarira amahuri ».

III. UMUGAMBI

Abitabiriye iki kiganiro bakomeje kungurana ibitekerezo no gusobanukirwa neza ibibazo bikomeye bigaragara mu Rwanda , mu  Burundi no muri  Kongo muri iki gihe. Twatinze cyane ku ruhare twagira mu kubibonera umuti ukwiye.  Twasanze ubufatanye ari ngombwa kuko nta mahoro arambye ashobora kuboneka muri kimwe muri biriya bihugu mu gihe ahandi byaba bicika. By’umwihariko twasanze ibibazo bivugwa i Burundi bikwiye kumenyekana uko biri nta makabyankuru na propagande z’ibinyoma,  hakamenyekana intambwe nziza ya demokarasi no kubana mu mahoro yari imaze kugerwaho,  hagasuzumwa uruhare rukomeye mu kwenyegeza umuriro rukomoka mu baturanyi….hakabaho gushaka umuti binyuze mu nzira yo  KWICARANA no KUGANIRA, ibikorwa byose by urugomo n’iterabwoba bigahagarara burundu.

Umugambi twafashe ni uko twiyemeje gusezerera umuco mubi wo kwituramira no gushyidika politiki yo « kuraariira amahuri », ahubwo tukaba tugiye kurushaho KWISUGANYA  (Organisation) no kugira icyo twakora. Niyo mpamvu dushyizeho Ikipe izakomeza kuduhuza no kwegera abatabonye umwanya wo kuza mu kiganiro kandi byabyifuzaga.

Turashimira cyane Padiri Thomas NAHIMANA wigomwe byinshi akaza kuufasha kwicarana tukaganira,  dore ko ari ubwambere bibaye hano mu mujyi wacu wa TUCSON  (Arizona/USA), ko twicarana turi ABANYEKONGO,  ABARUNDI N’ABANYARWANDA.  We n’abo bafatanyije turabifuriza amahirwe menshi mu migambi myiza bafite mu Ishyaka ISHEMA  no muri  Coalition ya « Nouvelle Génération  » harimo kwitabira amatora y’Umukuru w’igihugu azaba mu mwaka w’2017 mu Rwanda.

Banyarwanda, Barundi,  BanyeKongo,  tuzakomeza kwituramira kugera ryari ? Nidukanguke,  buri wese agire icyo akora kizima(ni yo kaba agakorwa gato) ngo amahoro arambye asesekare mu bihugu byacu.  Nta wundi uzabidukorera.

John GAHONGAYIRE , Tucson.

Email : gahongayirej@yahoo.fr

Phone:  (001)520-243-3040