Rwanda- Royaume Uni. Boris Johnson et Paul Kagame dans le business des demandeurs d’asile

Jeudi le 14 avril 2022, tous les principaux médias occidentaux ont diffusé la nouvelle faisant état de la signature entre le Royaume Uni et le Rwanda d’un accord selon lequel tous les demandeurs d’asile en Grande Bretagne qui auraient atteint ce pays illégalement seraient dorénavant expulsés et déportés au Rwanda.

Les réactions ont été nombreuses à travers le monde. Que ce soit au Royaume Uni-même où les partis d’opposition ont critiqué cet accord ou dans les ONG qui l’ont dénoncé aussi. Même le HCR, chargé de veiller sur la protection des réfugiés partout dans le monde, mandat qu’il tient en tant qu’organe des Nations Unies, l’a dénoncé.

Au-delà des considérations juridiques et humanitaires que relèvent ces instances, il y a lieu de souligner aussi et faire observer les dessous des cartes dans ce marché en ce qui concerne Paul Kagame et sa clique au pouvoir à Kigali mais aussi Boris Johnson et son gouvernement conservateur.  Tel est l’objet du présent article.

Partie émergée de l’iceberg

L’accord avec le Rwanda, qui sera financé par le Royaume Uni à hauteur 120 millions de livres (144 millions EUR), prévoit que les migrants – dont ni les nationalités ni les conditions d’arrivée ne sont pas précisées – soient « intégrés dans les communautés à travers le pays », selon le communiqué publié par Kigali.

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Paul Kagame has no moral authority to talk about democracy let alone human rights.

First of all, I would like to convey my message of sympathy to all those who are genuinely commemorating their loved ones lost in Rwandan genocide especially from october 1990. May our brothers and sisters, fathers and mothers killed rest in eternal peace. May all of us survivors find ways to forgive as we aim at building a nation where “Never again” makes sense.

Having said that, following are my remarks on Kagame’s speech.

In his speech delivered on the 28th genocide remembrance occasion, Mr Kagame was heard trying to justify his war crimes and crimes committed against “them”. Everyone would have observed Kagame’s tactics to avoid the term “Hutu” in his speech. He does not see the rwandan genocide as a rwandan tragedy, rather as a tragedy against the Tutsi, bringing us to wonder why! He counts himself as a Tutsi, first, not as a rwandan contrally to what he usually brags about. For instance he says ” … those who killed our people”. In his belief, the Tutsi are his people, not the other way around.

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UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention Calls for Paul Rusesabagina’s Immediate Release

Opinion finds numerous human rights violations by the government of Rwanda

Paul Rusesabagina, international humanitarian

Paul Rusesabagina, international humanitarian
WASHINGTON – March 29, 2022 – PRLog —

The United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (UNWGAD), an arm of the UN’s Human Rights Council, has released an advance version of its opinion on Rwanda’s kidnapping and detention of Hotel Rwanda humanitarian Paul Rusesabagina. UNWGAD found that the deprivation of liberty of Paul Rusesabagina amounts to arbitrary and enforced detention, which is illegal under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (“Universal Declaration”) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“Covenant”). The Working Group requests that the government of Rwanda take all necessary steps to remedy the situation. (Link to opinion at end of press release)

According to the opinion, given the circumstances of the case the appropriate remedy under international law is for Rwanda to immediately “take urgent action to ensure the immediate unconditional release of Mr. Rusesabagina.” In addition, UNWGAD members found that Rwanda should “accord him an enforceable right to compensation and other reparations.

The key findings of the UNWGAD include:

  • The kidnapping of Mr. Rusesabagina, which began in the United States and culminated in him boarding a flight from Dubai to Kigali, was set up by the Rwandan government to take him against his will to Rwanda. This constitutes an abduction and his subsequent detention is therefore arbitrary and illegal.
  • The circumstances of Mr. Rusesabagina’s abduction and subsequent treatment on arrival in Kigali, including incommunicado detention, being detained in secret, and no acknowledgement of his arrest, amount to a deprivation of liberty analogous to an enforced disappearance, and mean that Paul’s arrest has no legal basis and is therefore arbitrary.
  • Mr. Rusesabagina’s treatment by the Rwandan government resulted from his free expression of his political views and criticisms of that government. Thus his treatment constitutes an illegal violation of his right to freedom of expression.
  • Violations of Mr. Rusesabagina’s physical and mental health during his illegal detention should be referred to the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment for appropriate action.
  • Given all of the above, the criminal case against him in Rwanda should never have gone to trial and should have been dismissed. That being the case, when it went to trial Mr. Rusesabagina’s due process and fair trial rights were continually violated throughout the trial process.
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RDC: combats entre l’armée et les rebelles du M23 dans l’est, Kigali pointé du doigt

Des combats ont opposé lundi l’armée congolaise aux rebelles du “Mouvement du 23 mars” (M23) dans l’est de la République démocratique du Congo, poussant des habitants des villages de la région à fuir vers l’Ouganda, selon des sources locales.

En fin de journée, le général congolais Sylvain Ekenge, porte-parole du gouverneur de la province du Nord-Kivu, a affirmé dans un communiqué que le M23 était “soutenu par les Forces de défense du Rwanda” (RDF) et que l’armée de RDC avait “mis la main sur deux militaires rwandais”.

Les positions de l’armée congolaise “ont été attaquées par les M23” à Runyoni et à Chanzu dans la nuit de dimanche à lundi, avait auparavant déclaré à l’AFP le lieutenant-colonel Muhindo Lwanzo, directeur de cabinet de l’administrateur militaire du territoire de Rusthuru, dans le Nord-Kivu.

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Westminster may have shunned Putin, but its continued support of autocratic leaders stinks of hypocrisy

Among other despots the government courts, Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame can match Russia’s for cold-hearted ruthlessness. So much for resistance in defence of democracy

From left to right, Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi, Egypt's president, Boris Johnson, U.K. prime minister, Paul Kagame, Rwanda's president, and Muhammadu Buhari, Nigeria's president, pose for a family photo with other leaders of African nations and U.K. politicians at the U.K. - Africa Investment Summit at the Intercontinental Hotel in London, U.K., on Monday, Jan. 20, 2020. Johnson will reinforce his vision of a global Britain trading freely outside the EU on Monday, when he hosts African leaders at an inaugural??summit. Photographer: Hollie Adams/Bloomberg via Getty Images
(L-R) Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi, Boris Johnson, Paul Kagame, and Muhammadu Buhari pose with other politicians and leaders of African countries at the UK-Africa Investment Summit in 2020. (Photo: Hollie Adams/Bloomberg via Getty)
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By Ian Birrell

i columnist

March 20, 2022 3:09 pm(Updated 3:55 pm)

This is a tale of two dictators. Both have a background in espionage, trained in the dark arts of intelligence and security. Both became president in 2000 and proved themselves masters at controlling their countries by crushing dissent, stifling democracy and stealing elections. Both imprison or kill political foes, even those who fled into other nations for sanctuary. Both silence journalists and use state-controlled media to pump out a twisted narrative to further their own rule. Both treat state assets as their own. And both invade neighbouring nations and meddle abroad with disastrous consequences for millions of innocent people.

One of them is Vladimir Putin, now firmly established as Public Enemy No 1 for the free world after his latest assault on Ukraine. The full-scale invasion and atrocities unleashed by this self-serving despot have finally shocked the complacent West into action as it witnesses his attack on a sovereign nation. His misjudgement has turned Russia into a pariah state as the West tries to throttle his economy and sends his billionaire pals scurrying into safety with their stolen assets. As the Kremlin bombs cities such as Kyiv and Kharkiv, Mariupol and Mykolaiv, one in four of the country’s citizens were displaced from their homes in just three weeks.

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Le Groupe d’Initiative France-Rwanda, proteste contre la visite à Paris d’une délégation conduite par le général Jean Bosco Kazura.

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Paris 15 mars 2022

Le Groupe d’Initiative France-Rwanda, GIFR en sigle, proteste contre la visite à Paris d’une délégation militaire du Rwanda conduite par le général Jean Bosco Kazura, chef d’État-Major des RDF – Forces Rwandaises de Défense.

Le Groupe d’Initiative France-Rwanda, GIFR en sigle, a appris avec stupeur, colère et indignation, la visite à Paris d’une délégation militaire du Rwanda conduite par le général Jean Bosco Kazura, chef d’État-Major des Forces de Défenses rwandaises, sur invitation de son homologue français. La délégation a été reçue avec tous les honneurs par le chef d’État-Major des armées, le général Thierry Burkhard.

 Après les visites en France du général-président rwandais Paul Kagamé en septembre 2011 et en mai 2021, il s’agit du premier déplacement officiel d’officiers de l’armée rwandaise en France depuis plus de 25 ans.

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Rwanda: Wave of Free Speech Prosecutions

(Nairobi) – Judicial authorities in Rwanda are prosecuting opposition members, journalists, and commentators on the basis of their speech and opinions, Human Rights Watch said today. Throughout 2020 and 2021, Human Rights Watch monitored trials in which judicial authorities pursued politically motivated prosecutions and perpetuated a culture of intolerance of dissent.

Less than two years out from the 2024 presidential election campaign season, the Rwandan government should ensure an end to violations against civil society activists, journalists, and opposition figures. The government should also protect their right to freedom of expression – a precondition to creating a conducive environment for free and fair elections.

“Judicial authorities in Rwanda, lacking the independence to stand up and protect free speech in accordance with international law, have unjustly convicted and jailed people based on their protected speech and opinions,” said Lewis Mudge, Central Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “All those jailed unjustly should be immediately and unconditionally released, and the abusive legal framework that allowed their prosecution should be reviewed and brought in line with international free speech standards.”

Since the publication of a March 2021 report on the arrests of, and threats against, several Rwandans for posts on YouTube, Human Rights Watch has monitored trials and reviewed trial documents and verdicts to examine the evidence and arguments of prosecutorial authorities, and the basis for judges’ rulings.

Researchers also reviewed content published on various channels managed by journalists and commentators on trial and interviewed 11 opposition members and people who post on YouTube. The cases documented are not exhaustive – Human Rights Watch also received information about other similar cases.

On March 3, 2022, Human Rights Watch wrote a letter to Justice Minister Emmanuel Ugirashebuja to share information about the cases it has documented and to request information on the Rwandan authorities’ steps to address violations of the right to freedom of expression. The government has not responded.

Rwanda has very few opposition parties, and human rights organizations and independent media remain weak. Victoire Ingabire, who was the president of the unregistered opposition party FDU-Inkingi before founding Dalfa-Umurinzi in November 2019, was released from prison in 2018. Members of her party have repeatedly been harassed, threatened, and arrested, or have died or disappeared in suspicious circumstances. Since October 2021, at least eight members of her party have been arrested and charged with offenses, including spreading rumors and forming a criminal association, in relation to a book they acquired and an online training session they attended to learn strategies for peaceful dissent.

Journalists using YouTube as a platform have also been targeted for prosecution for not registering with the Rwanda Media Commission (RMC) or for publishing information that contradicts the government’s version of certain events, such as the suspicious death in custody of Kizito Mihigo, a gospel singer and activist, or disappearances of government opponents.

The cases of Dieudonné Niyonsenga – alias Cyuma Hassan – and Théoneste Nsengimana, which Human Rights Watch documented, could further erode journalists’ legal protections and narrow the space for media and online speech. Niyonsenga, a high-profile YouTuber, was found guilty on appeal of forgery, impersonation, hindering public works, and “humiliation of national authorities and persons in charge of public service.” The last charge, which was added during the first appeal, is no longer a criminal offense in Rwanda. The prosecution authority announced it was lodging a “second appeal” to correct the error. Its verdict is expected on March 18. On March 9, Human Rights Watch received reports and confirmed that Ishema TV was no longer available on YouTube. At time of writing, it is unclear whether the channel was removed voluntarily.

Since 1994, speaking about crimes committed by the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) in the aftermath of the genocide, or sometimes even simply commemorating Hutu who were killed during the genocide, is perceived as crossing a red line, with the government presenting it as a threat to Rwandan unity, or the country’s security as a whole.

“When you are pro-government, you don’t have any problems. When you talk about bad things, you become persecuted, you are a genocide denier,” one YouTuber told Human Rights Watch.

Another said, “They take one word, and they create a crime for you…. Here, the problem is talking the truth. If you do, they go after you.”

The Rwandan government may have legitimate grounds to seek to restrict the kind of dangerous, vitriolic speech that led to the deaths of over half a million people in 1994, but current laws and practices go far beyond this purpose – creating fear and effectively stifling opinions, debate, and criticism of the government.

As Rwanda approaches the 30-year mark since the genocide, and the government aims to ramp up efforts to combat genocide ideology, there is a need to ensure that Rwandans can peacefully express legitimate grievances related to the genocide and post-genocide periods, Human Rights Watch said.

Article 38 of the 2015 Constitution protects freedom of expression but limits that protection by permitting ill-defined restrictions based on “public order, good morals, the protection of the youth and children, the right of every citizen to honor and dignity and protection of personal and family privacy.” The government, with the support of the judiciary, has used this clawback clause to impose restrictions on freedom of expression in ways that are incompatible with Rwanda’s regional and international obligations.

As Rwanda prepares to host the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, scheduled to take place in June, the international community should take a stand and press the authorities to stop harassing, immediately release, and drop all charges against opposition members, YouTube commentators and journalists facing abusive prosecutions that violate freedom of expression. The authorities should also open credible, independent, and transparent investigations into suspicious deaths and disappearances of critics, opposition members, civil society actors, and journalists, and prosecute those responsible.

“The evidence provided by the prosecuting authorities, and what judges have chosen to rely on to justify their conclusions, clearly demonstrates that these cases violate African and international human rights law,” Mudge said. “Prosecuting those who challenge the government of incitement to insurrection or of attempting to tarnish the country’s image is an indication of how little dissent is tolerated in Rwanda.”

For details of the recent cases, please see below.


Cases Against the Political Opposition

In October 2021, at least eight members of Victoire Ingabire’s opposition party, Dalfa-Umurinzi, were arrested in the largest crackdown against the party in recent years. Sylvain Sibomana, Alexis Rucubanganya, Hamad Hagenimana, Jean-Claude Ndayishimiye, Alphonse Mutabazi, Marcel Nahimana, and Emmanuel Masengesho were all detained in the days leading up to and following “Ingabire day,” scheduled for October 14.

On that day, Ingabire was planning to speak about political repression in Rwanda, cases of suspicious deaths, killings, disappearances, and abusive prosecutions. Théoneste Nsengimana, a journalist who was planning to cover the event, was arrested on October 13 and is being tried with the group of seven.

Criminal charges of “spreading false information or harmful propaganda with intent to cause a hostile international opinion against Rwandan government” and “formation of or joining a criminal association” were brought against Sibomana, Rucubanganya, Hagenimana, Ndayishimiye, Mutabazi, Nahimana, and Masengesho. On November 9, during a pretrial hearing, the Kicukiro court said it is also considering evidence to support other, undetermined charges against them. The prosecution contended that the defendants were also responsible for inciting insurrection.

Claudine Uwimana, a party member who was arrested on December 14 in Rutsiro, is being tried separately. She is charged with spreading false information, publishing rumors, forming a criminal association, and inciting insurrection, and has been denied bail.

The arrests send a clear message to those who may wish to mobilize, organize, or campaign on a political platform in the lead-up to the elections that efforts to peacefully change the power structures in place can be considered a criminal offense, Human Rights Watch said.

In both cases, the prosecution based its accusations on the group’s decision to acquire “Blueprint for Revolution,” a book written by Srdja Popovic, and to follow a training organized by the author’s organization, Canvas – the Center for Applied Non-Violent Actions and Strategies. Both the book and the training focus on peaceful strategies to resist authoritarianism, such as nonviolent protest, noncooperation, boycott, and mobilization. The prosecution used as evidence the contents of the book and training, the use of Jitsi – an encrypted online communication platform – and the use of pseudonyms during the training.

The prosecution also accused the group of planning activities such as mobilizing, among others, street vendors and others who are routinely rounded up and subjected to abuse, and a commemoration of political activists and critics who have died, disappeared, or been jailed, on “Ingabire Day,” based on the strategies proposed during the training.

Social protest and mobilization offer people the opportunity to peacefully communicate legitimate complaints and grievances. Governments have a responsibility to create a safe and enabling environment for individuals and groups to exercise their rights to freedom of peaceful assembly, of expression, and of association.

Journalists Under Threat

Dieudonné Niyonsenga

Dieudonné Niyonsenga, also known as “Cyuma Hassan,” runs Ishema TV, a popular YouTube channel on which he has published his sensitive and critical reports. Ishema TV has millions of views, and Niyonsenga is one of the most popular YouTube contributors in Rwanda.

In April 2020, police arrested Niyonsenga and his driver, Fidèle Komezusenge, as they were reporting on the impact of the Covid-19 guidelines on vulnerable populations in a poor neighborhood of Kigali. Niyonsenga and Komezusenge were accused of forgery, impersonating journalists, and hindering public works for being outside during lockdown without a valid RMC-issued press card. Both spent almost a year in detention, but then were acquitted on March 12, 2021. After his release, Niyonsenga gave several interviews on YouTube describing his treatment in detention. In one, he said:

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France – Rwanda : un criminel de guerre reçu par l’état-major français !

Ces derniers temps la France est en train de perdre son influence dans ce que l’on a appelé son « pré carré africain » à savoir les anciennes colonies françaises. Pour garder la face, elle a décidé de recourir au régime rwandais connu pour être une dictature sanguinaire sous la gouvernance du Front Patriotique Rwandais (le FPR) dirigé par Paul Kagame. Ce dernier est aidé par des oligarques composé majoritairement des hauts gradés de l’armée rwandaise. C’est dans cet optique que chef d’état-major français des armées le général Thierry Burkhard reçoit en ce moment une délégation composée des Officers rwandais à sa tête le chef d’Etat major de l’armée rwandaise Jean Bosco Kazura. La visite a commencé le 14 et terminera le 17 mars 2022.

Le passé criminel de Jean Bosco Kazura

Si l’on en croit sa page Wikipédia[1] Kazura a rejoint l’armée patriotique rwandaise en 1992 et a occupé les fonctions de général de brigade et de division entre 1998 et 2003, les années durant lesquelles l’Armée Patriotique Rwandaise a décimé des milliers de civils hutus au Nord du Rwanda dans la guerre dit des infiltrés (Abacangezi) et en République Démocratique du Congo. Wikipedia citant le journal Foreign Policy paru en en décembre 2013 nous apprend que Jean Bosco Kazura : « Est l’auteur de crimes de guerre durant la phase finale du conflit [génocide et guerre civile au Rwanda], agissant comme commandant d’escadrons de la mort, sous le commandement de Patrick Nyamvumba, en compagnie de John Birasa et d’Emmanuel Butera. Le « bataillon Oscar », avec Kazura à sa tête, est chargé de ratisser les campagnes des préfectures de Byumba et Kibungo. Selon certains témoignages, Kazura a organisé et assisté en juin-juillet 1994 à des tueries de civils hutus à Nasho, Rutonde, Rwanteru, ainsi qu’à des opérations d’épuration de l’administration en 1995 et 1996les accusations portant même sur une implication personnelle dans l’assassinat et l’incinération des corps ».

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Deux ans plus tard, des questions persistent autour de la mort d’un célèbre chanteur rwandais

Une enquête crédible doit être ouverte sur le décès en détention de Kizito Mihigo

Le 13 février 2020, le célèbre chanteur rwandais Kizito Mihigo avait été arrêté et accusé d’avoir tenté de se rendre illégalement au Burundi pour rejoindre des « groupes terroristes » et violé les conditions de sa sortie de prison en 2018.

Les ennuis de Kizito Mihigo, un rescapé du génocide, ont commencé en 2014 après la publication d’une chanson dans laquelle il exprimait sa compassion non seulement pour les victimes du génocide de 1994, mais aussi pour tous ceux qui ont perdu la vie « du fait d’un génocide, d’une guerre, d’un massacre en représailles, d’une disparition dans un accident ou d’une maladie ». Pour beaucoup au Rwanda, ces paroles ont été largement interprétées comme l’expression de sympathie de la part d’un Tutsi rescapé du génocide vis-à-vis des Hutus tués par les soldats du parti actuellement au pouvoir, le Front patriotique rwandais (FPR), remettant en cause le récit officiel selon lequel ces meurtres commis en représailles étaient des cas isolés traités en interne.

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