Category Archives: Africa

Foreign Secretary Liz Truss is urged to block the appointment of Rwanda’s top diplomat in London over the kidnap and detention of the country’s most famous human rights activist

  • Liz Truss is being urged by MPs to block the appointment of Johnston Busingye
  • They are calling for sanctions to stop him being Rwanda’s high commissioner
  • Mr Busingye was demoted in September by Rwandan President Paul Kagame
  • He said government chartered a flight that led to Paul Rusesabagina’s seizure

Foreign Secretary Liz Truss is being urged to block the appointment of Rwanda’s top diplomat in London over his central role in the kidnap and detention of the country’s most famous human rights activist.

Senior MPs from both main parties are calling on Ms Truss to impose urgent sanctions on Johnston Busingye, Rwanda’s former justice secretary, to prevent his instalment as the central African regime’s next high commissioner.

Mr Busingye was demoted by Rwandan President Paul Kagame after admitting that their government chartered a flight that led to the seizure of Paul Rusesabagina, the real-life hero of the film Hotel Rwanda who saved more than 1,200 lives in the 1994 genocide.

Mr Rusesabagina – a critic of the dictatorship – was duped into flying to Rwanda after boarding a private jet in Dubai he thought was flying to a neighbouring country. The 67-year-old was jailed for ‘terrorism’ in September.

Senior MPs are calling on Liz Truss to impose sanctions on Johnston Busingye (pictured), Rwanda's ex-justice secretary, to stop his instalment as the country's next high commissioner+2

Senior MPs are calling on Liz Truss to impose sanctions on Johnston Busingye (pictured), Rwanda’s ex-justice secretary, to stop his instalment as the country’s next high commissioner

Last week, Mr Busingye was named in Parliament by former Tory leader Sir Iain Duncan Smith alongside Chinese Communist bosses involved in crimes against humanity, Iranian torturers and Sudanese militia leaders in a debate on sanctions.

Mr Duncan Smith queried why Mr Kagame was proposing to send ‘that abusive individual’ to represent his nation. ‘Do they think the UK is a soft touch?’ he asked.

‘This man should be sanctioned, not sent as their bloody ambassador,’ he told The Mail on Sunday. 

‘It is a disgrace that the Government has not yet made it clear we will reject his credentials. We must make a very strong statement.’

Labour’s Chris Bryant said it was ‘inconceivable’ that Ministers might accept the appointment. ‘Instead of sending a coach to take him to Buckingham Palace to meet the Queen, they should bar him from entering the country.’

The MPs are co-chairmen of the All-Party Group on Magnitsky Sanctions, which aims to target those responsible for corruption or human rights violations.

Bill Browder, the financier who pushed for such laws around the world after his lawyer Sergei Magnitsky was murdered in Russia, said Rusesabagina was a hero, adding: ‘His only real crime was to be critical of Kagame.’

Mr Rusesabagina was manager of Hotel des Mille Collines in Kigali when he saved the lives of 1,268 people who sought sanctuary there amid the horrors of the genocide.

Fearing for his safety, he later fled to the US where he received the Presidential Medal of Freedom. 

A fierce critic of Mr Kagame, he co-founded the Rwandan Movement for Democratic Change, a coalition of opposition groups.

The Rwandan regime, which has a history of smearing its enemies, accused him of being ‘the founder, leader, sponsor and member of violent, armed, extremist terror outfits’. 

He denied all charges.

Human rights groups condemned his unlawful seizure and criticised the trial as a charade. Rusesabagina was sentenced in September to 25 years in prison.

Mr Busingye’s admission of his government’s role came after a video was inadvertently sent to al-Jazeera. It showed him being coached for an interview with the broadcaster by Chelgate, a London specialist in ‘reputation management’. 

In the footage, he admitted prison authorities intercepted confidential correspondence between Mr Rusesabagina and his lawyers, which he denied in the interview.

In a second interview, he confirmed the regime paid for the plane that took Mr Rusesabagina to Kigali and for the individual who tricked him on to the plane.

‘This man oversaw the kidnapping and torture of my father,’ said his daughter Carine Kanimba. 

‘He should be disqualified from a role that requires the holder to be a person of integrity.’

The Foreign Office, which can veto ambassadors and high commissioners, declined to comment, and the Rwandan government did not respond to a request for comment last night.

Source: Daily Mail

Intra-Rwandan dialogue is crucial for peace in the Great Lakes

The conflicts in the Great Lakes region cannot be fully resolved until Rwanda addresses its internal political problems.

Since Rwanda gained its independence in 1962, the country has experienced successive regimes that have stayed in power by any means possible, refusing to implement good governance reforms. The repercussions have been massacres and human rights violations, culminating in the Tutsi’s genocide of 1994.

After the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) took power in 1994, it held national consultations – referred to as Urugwiro Village meetings – to discuss how Rwanda could solve its issues of national unity, democracy, justice, economy and security. The outcomes of these consultations have been the guiding philosophies of the governance implemented by the RPF over the past two decades.

Nonetheless, the way Rwanda’s governance and relationship with its neighbouring countries in the Great Lakes region have evolved over time is a concern. Today there are pressing issues that necessitate holding another intra-Rwandan dialogue between the Rwandan government and dissenting voices and civil society organisations operating in and outside the country to revamp its governance strategy so that long-term stability at home and in the Great Lakes region is guaranteed.

The consensus democracy that aimed to prevent further ethnic violence while accelerating development agreed on during the Urugwiro Village meetings has transformed over time into a political system that suppresses political dissent, restricts pluralism and curbs civil liberty in Rwanda.

In many instances the government has abused its power, collaborating with the judicial system to criminalise its critics under the silent watch of the legislature. These practices, along with widespread human rights abuses, point to the fact that the prospect for full democracy in Rwanda remains rather bleak today.

The mechanisms to promote unity and reconciliation among Rwandans adopted by the national consultation of 1999 were commendable. However, the lack of public and official remembrance of the victims of war crimes committed in Rwanda before, during, and after the genocide against the Tutsis are creating conflicting views among citizens today. This creates social grievances and weakens trust and cooperation among Rwandans.

The development programme put forward during the national consultation of 1999 that aimed to transform Rwanda into a middle-income state driven by building a knowledge-based economy by 2020, has also not delivered on many of its promises. Rwanda remains a low-income state in spite of the abundant financial support that the government has received from development partners. As a result, the goal of turning Rwanda into a middle-income country had to be postponed to 2035.

Over the 20 years since the Urugwiro Village meetings took place, the political scenery in Rwanda has transformed as well. It is no longer limited to the opposition affiliated with the ruling party, but also includes a diverse group of dissenting politicians and activists. Although critics are often marginalised by the government and their voices stifled, they are increasingly being heard across Rwanda and beyond.

The government needs to start taking into consideration the criticism that is coming out of these political quarters. After all, it is the lack of an inclusive political process that hindered good governance and led to conflict in Rwanda in the 1990s.

Some Rwandans have already taken to armed struggle, which has increasingly worried the government and exacerbated relations with Rwanda’s neighbours. The United Nations has issued a number of reports alleging the Rwandan government is involved in the conflict in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), where it is trying to stem insurgencies it perceives as threatening. Officials in Kigali have repeatedly denied these accusations.

Political tensions between Rwanda and Burundi and Uganda have also worsened in recent years over allegations that these two countries are supporting opposition figures who also want to topple the Rwandan leadership by force. This has led to the closure of borders, which has had a negative economic impact on the country.

To address all these challenges, a new intra-Rwandan dialogue is absolutely necessary today. Such a forum could come up with important reforms that can help improve governance. This would enable Rwanda to secure long-term stability and eventually contribute to conflict resolution in the Great Lakes region.

This dialogue would be aligned with the UN strategy for peace consolidation, conflict prevention and resolution in the Great Lakes region adopted in October 2020. The strategy affirms that effective and sustained dialogue among citizens is key to fostering trust, addressing underlying grievances and facilitating actions for peace, stability and prosperity.

Fortunately for Rwanda, a constant quest for solutions through dialogue is one of the fundamental principles in its constitution. In June 2021, we submitted to the Rwandan government a roadmap for a promising future, requesting the proposed dialogue to be organised before Rwanda’s presidential election in 2024.

For more than a decade, the international community has tried to find a solution to the persistent instability in the Great Lakes region. I have always argued that without solving Rwanda’s internal political problem, it will be impossible to bring about stability in that region.

It is therefore timely and appropriate that regional and international stakeholders support the realisation of the proposed intra-Rwandan dialogue for governance reforms in Rwanda and peace consolidation in the Great Lakes region.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza
Rwandan political figure Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza is Rwandan political figure. In 2010 Victoire returned to Rwanda from exile in The Netherlands to run for presidential candidate but was arrested and sentenced to 15 years in prison by the Rwandan Supreme court in a politically motivated judicial proceeding. Her appeal to the African court on Human and People’s rights cleared her and held that Rwanda violated her rights to freedom of expression as well as to adequate defence. Victoire was released in 2018 by presidential grace after eight years of imprisonment, five of which she spent in isolated confinement. She has founded and is chairing Development and Liberty for All (DALFA-Umurinzi) political party. Her party is yet to be registered in Rwanda. It aims to strive for the rule of law and sustainable development that benefits every Rwandan.

Rwandan YouTube star jailed for ‘humiliating’ state officials

Dieudonne Niyonsenga, whose YouTube channel has more than 15 million views was sentenced to seven years in prison.

A Rwandan who used his YouTube channel to criticise the government has been sentenced to seven years in prison by a court in Kigali, amid a growing crackdown on dissidents in the tightly controlled East African nation.

Dieudonne Niyonsenga, whose YouTube channel Ishema TV had amassed more than 15 million views, was found guilty on Thursday on four charges including forgery, impersonation, and “humiliating” state officials.

“We are appealing this verdict against Niyonsenga with immediate effect. It is simply not right,” his lawyer Gatera Gashabana said on Friday.

The court found Niyonsenga to have committed the crimes intentionally and coupled the verdict with a fine of five million Rwandan francs ($4,900).

“Due to the adverse consequences that his crimes have had on Rwandan society, the court orders that Dieudonne Niyonsenga be immediately arrested and taken to serve his jail sentence,” the judge said in delivering the verdict.

Niyonsenga, better known by his YouTube persona Cyuma, which means “Iron”, was known for discussing human rights abuses on his channel.

Shortly after the verdict, the YouTube star said police had surrounded his home. Police and prison officials have not confirmed whether Niyonsenga has been taken into custody after being sentenced in absentia.

His jailing comes weeks after another high-profile critic with a YouTube following was sent to prison.

Last month, Rwandan authorities arrested six people including a journalist and members of an opposition party accused of publishing rumours allegedly intended to start an uprising.

Theoneste Nsengimana, who runs Umubavu TV – an online Youtube channel that often airs content critical of the government, was among those arrested.

Niyonsenga has already been arrested in April 2020, after broadcasting a series of videos accusing soldiers of serious abuses against slum dwellers during the enforcement of a strict coronavirus lockdown.

Shortly afterwards, he was charged with violating the lockdown and impersonating a journalist and sent to prison.

He was acquitted and released 11 months later but prosecutors appealed to a higher court.

The crackdown on YouTube creators has had a chilling effect in Rwanda, where independent media has been quashed and other forms of free expression are strictly monitored by the government.

Critics have accused President Paul Kagame’s government of human rights abuses although it has had support from Western donors for restoring stability in the years after the genocide, and boosting economic growth.

In March, Human Rights Watch voiced alarm about the crackdown. Kagame has denied accusations of abuse.



Présenté par le régime de Kigali et par les médias  comme  le « cerveau du génocide » du Rwanda, le colonel Théoneste Bagosora vient de mourir à l’âge de 81 ans dans la prison du Mali où il purgeait une peine de 35 années de détention.

Arrêté au Cameroun au mois de mars 1996, défendu par Maître Raphaël Constant, avocat réputé du barreau de la Martinique, son procès (TPIR-98-41-T) débuta au mois d’avril 2002. Ce ne fut cependant qu’au mois d’octobre 2004, après un délai surréaliste de neuf années de détention préventive, que le Procureur fut en mesure de soutenir son acte d’accusation.
Construit sur le postulat qui était que le colonel Bagosora fut le maître d’œuvre du génocide, cet acte d’accusation reposait sur un « trou » de quelques heures  dans  son emploi du temps, entre 01h 30 et 06 heures du matin dans la nuit du 6 au 7 avril 1994, durant lequel l’accusé aurait « allumé la mèche du génocide » !!!

N’ayant fait aucune vérification, ni aucune enquête sérieuse, sous la pression constante du régime du général Kagamé et de ses porte-voix médiatiques, le Procureur ancra son acte d’accusation sur cette abstraite  construction intellectuelle.

Expert assermenté devant le TPIR (Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda), j’ai travaillé durant plusieurs années sur ce dossier et, dans le volumineux rapport d’expertise que j’ai défendu devant la Cour (Lugan, TPIR-98-41-T), j’ai notamment minutieusement reconstitué l’emploi du temps du colonel (voir l’intégralité de mon rapport publié dans  Dix ans d’expertises devant le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda), faisant effondrer comme un château de cartes l’artificielle construction idéologique du Procureur.

Dans leur jugement, les juges rejetèrent donc tout naturellement  les éléments de « preuve » avancés par le Procureur, infligeant ainsi un camouflet d’une rare puissance à l’Accusation et à la thèse officielle.
Au terme d’un procès fleuve rythmé par 409 jours d’audience, par les déclarations de 242 témoins à charge et à décharge remplissant 30 000 pages de compte rendus d’audience, par 1 600 pièces à conviction, par 4 500 pages de conclusions et par 300 décisions écrites, la Cour, dans son jugement en date du 18 décembre 2008,  déclara en effet le colonel Bagosora non coupable « d’entente en vue de commettre un génocide ».

Ce jugement faisait donc  voler en éclats les bases de l’histoire officielle postulant que le génocide avait été programmé puisque les 40 éléments présentés par le Procureur pour tenter de prouver sa planification ne furent pas considérés comme probants par les juges (Résumé du jugement rendu en l’affaire Bagosora et consorts, TPIR-98-41-T, jugement 18 décembre 2008, page 1) :

« Plusieurs éléments qui ont servi de base à la thèse développée par le Procureur sur l’entente (en vue de commettre le génocide) n’ont pas été étayés par des témoignages suffisamment fiables (…) En conséquence, la Chambre n’est pas convaincue que le Procureur a établi au-delà du doute raisonnable que la seule conclusion raisonnable qui se puisse tirer des éléments de preuve produits est que les quatre accusés se sont entendus entre eux, ou avec d’autres, pour commettre le génocide (…) » (Résumé du jugement rendu en l’affaire Bagosora et consorts,TPIR-98-41-T, jugement 18 décembre 2008, pages 16-18).

Le colonel Bagosora fut néanmoins condamné à l’emprisonnement à perpétuité  pour des crimes commis par des hommes supposés avoir été ses subordonnés, entre le 6 et le 9 avril 1994. Le colonel Bagosora interjeta appel de ce jugement.

Le 14 décembre 2011, la Chambre d’Appel du Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda réduisit à 35 ans la peine de perpétuité infligée en première instance au colonel Théoneste Bagosora, les juges d’appel n’estimant pas qu’il avait ordonné les crimes pour lesquels il avait été condamné en première instance, et ils le condamnèrent uniquement parce que, en tant que supérieur hiérarchique postulé, alors qu’il était à la retraite, il n’aurait rien fait pour les prévenir ou en punir les auteurs.
Compte tenu des pressions exercées par le régime de Kigali, par les Etats-Unis et par la Grande-Bretagne, il n’était en effet politiquement pas possible aux juges d’acquitter purement et simplement  l’accusé-phare du TPIR, celui qui, durant des années, avait été présenté comme le « cerveau » d’un génocide programmé, mais qui ne l’avait pas été puisque son déclencheur fut l’attentat du 6 avril 1994 qui coûta la vie au président Habyarimana. Voir à ce sujet les articles extrêmement détaillés publiés dans la revue « Le Fana de l’aviation » n° 619, 620 et 621 (2021), qui expliquent avec une grande minutie et une rare précision le déroulé de cet attentat, et dans lesquels le FPR du général Kagamé est clairement accusé d’en être l’auteur.
Pour l’état des connaissances scientifiques concernant ce génocide, ses origines et son déroulé, on se reportera à mon livre « Rwanda, un génocide en questions », éditions du Rocher, nouvelle édition 2021.

Bernard Lugan

Source :

Like the U.S., Rwanda is in a pitched battle over its history

Controlling the historical narrative in Rwanda is key to the regime’s power

Image without a caption

By Tom ZoellnerTom Zoellner is professor of English at Chapman University and the author of “Island on Fire: The Revolt That Ended Slavery in the British Empire.”July 12, 2021 at 6:00 a.m. EDT2

Tucker Carlson recently went on an attention-grabbing screed about how America’s history of racism gets taught. He garnered headlines by calling Gen. Mark Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs Staff, “stupid” and “a pig” for defending a class on the subject taught at the U.S. Military Academy. Carlson then made a comparison of America to another country that managed to be both absurd — and surprisingly apt:

“The question is, and this is the question we should be meditating on, day in and day out, is how do we get out of this vortex, the cycle, before it’s too late? How do we save this country before we become Rwanda?”

The absurd part is what Carlson was trying to say: that the teaching of critical race theory in schools and universities would lead to oppressed people of color picking up machetes to slaughter White people, an ethnic cleansing that would resemble the 1994 genocide in the small East African nation of Rwanda, in which 800,000 people were slaughtered at the urging of a government made up of the majority Hutu ethnicity.

Rwanda holds an important lesson for America’s culture wars today, but not in the way Carlson thinks. Rather, in Rwanda, political leaders have rewritten the country’s history to gain political power, just as the right wing is now attempting to do in the United States. In fact, the greatest asset of the dictatorship in today’s Rwanda is its mastery of the past. “Within Rwanda today, hegemonic power relies for much of its justification on a certain reading of history,” the Smith College scholar David Newbury has concluded.

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UK is disappointed in Rwanda’s noncompliance with UPR recommendations

UN Human Rights Council: Universal Periodic Review Adoption – Rwanda

The UK’s International Ambassador for Human Rights, Rita French, delivered this statement during the Universal Periodic Review Adoption for Rwanda.

Rita French

Thank you, Madam President.

The United Kingdom welcomes Rwanda’s engagement with the UPR, including collaboration between the Government and civil society on human rights. The UK reiterates its commitment to work constructively with Rwanda to support UPR implementation.

The UK is pleased that Rwanda fully supports our recommendation to protect and enable journalists to work freely, without fear of retribution, and ensure that State authorities comply with the access to information law. This is an important step to promote freedom of speech, including allowing space for critical voices.

We regret that Rwanda did not support our recommendation, which was also made by other States, to conduct transparent, credible and independent investigations into allegations of human rights violations including deaths in custody and torture.

We welcome that Rwanda accepted recommendations from other countries on combatting human trafficking, but we were disappointed that Rwanda did not support the UK recommendation to screen, identify and provide support to trafficking victims, including those held in Government transit centres. In recognising the progress made by Rwanda, the UK encourages Rwanda to submit an optional mid-term report to provide an update on implementation of recommendations, between reviews.

Thank you.

Madame Nadine Claire KASINGE, ni we Kandida w’ishyaka ISHEMA mu matora ya Perezida ya 2024.

“Ntituzigera na rimwe tuzibukira urubuga rwa politiki nk’uko Inkotanyi zibyifuza”.



Dushingiye ku ngingo za 46, 50, 51 na 52 z’Itegeko-shingiro ryo kuwa 28/4/2013 zigena ububasha n’inshingano za Kongere y’Ishyaka Ishema ry’u Rwanda, n’ingingo za 59, 60, 61 na 62 z’Itegeko Ngengamikorere ryo kuwa 28/01/2018 nk’uko ryavuguruwe kugeza ubu,

Twebwe Abataripfana n’Indemyarugamba bitabiriye Kongere isanzwe y’Ishyaka Ishema yateranye guhera taliki ya 01 kugeza kuya 03 Nyakanga 2021,

Tumaze kuganira bihagije no kungurana ibitekerezo ku bibazo bibangamiye abanyarwanda muri kino gihe, bishingiye ahanini ku butegetsi bw’igitugu bwubakiye ku kinyoma n’iterabwoba, bwica, bugatoteza, bugakenesha, bukiba kandi bukambura rubanda;

Tumaze kubona ko Ishyaka rukumbi FPR-Inkotanyi ryafashe ubutegetsi ku ngufu kandi rikabugumana ryonyine ryitwaje intwaro ya jenoside,

Twongeye kuzirikana uko Abanyapolitiki batavuga rumwe n’ubutegetsi bw’igitugu bwa FPR-Inkotanyi bamburwa uburenganzira bwabo, bagashyirwaho iterabwoba rihoraho, bagahimbirwa ibyaha, bagafungirwa ubusa, bakarigiswa, bakicwa baciwe amajosi cyangwa banigishijwe ibiziriko;

Nyuma yo kubona ko ishyaka rya FPR Inkotanyi ryahisemo umurongo wo gutegeka igihugu nko mu bihe by’ingoma ya cyami, bukirengagiza Repubulika abakurambere bacu baharaniye maze binyuze muri kamarampaka Rubanda igahigika umwami na Kalinga ku mugaragaro, none ubu rubanda ikaba yarahinduwe inkomamashyi n’abagererwa mu gihugu cyabo;

Tuributsa Rubanda ko ishyaka rya FPR Inkotanyi ryafunze urubuga rwa politiki rikadukumira kujya gukorera politiki mu Rwanda inshuro ebyiri zose kandi nyamara ari uburenganzira bwacu ndakuka twemererwa n’itegekonshinga rya Repubulika y’u Rwanda n’amasezerano mpuzamahanga u Rwanda rwashyizeho umukono.

Kubera izo mpamvu Kongere ifashe ibyemezo bikurikira:

  1. Kutava ku izima ngo duhare uburenganzira bwacu bwo kujya gukorera politiki mu Rwanda kugeza ubutegetsi busubijwe Rubanda. Bityo ntituzigera na rimwe tuzibukira urubuga rwa politiki nk’uko Inkotanyi zibyifuza.
  2. Guhatanira ubuyobozi bw’igihugu mu matora yose. Dutoye kandi tweretse rubanda Umukandida uzahagararira Ishyaka Ishema mu matora y’Umukuru w’igihuguku azaba mu mwaka wa 2024, ari we Madame NADINE Claire KASINGE.
  3. Tuvuguruye umushinga wa Demokarasi y’impanga mu rwego rwo kurangiza burundu amakimbirane ashingiye ku kunanirwa gusangira ubutegetsi hagati y’Abahutu n’Abatutsi.


  1. Umuryango w’Abibumbye (UN), Umuryango w’ubumwe bwa Afurika (AU), Umuryango w’ubumwe bw’uburayi (EU) n’indi miryango yose nterankunga, kudushyigikira muri uru rugamba rwo guhatanira impinduka nziza mu gihugu cy’u Rwanda.
  2. Abandi banyapolitiki kudushyigikira muri uru rugamba rwo gufungura urubuga rwa politiki mu Rwanda kugeza ubutegetsi bushubijwe mu maboko ya Rubanda.

Bikozwe tariki ya 03 Nyakanga 2021


Umuvugizi wa Kongere

Source: Ishema Party

Jenoside: Imiburanire y’imanza yashyizwe mu bihangano.

Bumwe mu buryo bwo kumenya neza ibyabaye mu mateka, ni ugusoma ibyandikwaga muri icyo gihe no kumva ibihangano ( indirimbo, imivugo n’ibisigo) byahimbwaga. Uramutse wumvise indirimbo ivuga MRND wamenya ko itahimbwe mbere y’itariki ya 5 Nyakanga 1975.

Ubu mu Rwanda hari ikibazo cy’ubwisanzure bubangamirwa mu ngeri zose z’ubuzima kugeza no ku bahanzi batinya kuririmba ubuzima nyakuri bw’igihugu, kuko ngo uvuze ibitagenda neza aba arwanya igihugu. Usanga abenshi baririmba urukundo rw’Imana, urukundo rw’abantu, ariko bakirinda kuvuga ibibazo biriho muri sosiyete.

Umuhanzi Gihanze Musasizi amaze gushyira mu majwi n’inshurango igitekerezo yise “Iromba rya Musenyeri ryamurinze kubambwa”. Asobanura ko mu gihe habaga imanza za jenoside, hari umubikira washinje Musenyeri ko yamuhinduye umugore yitwaje ko ari umututsikazi. Ngo mu gihe cy’amezi atatu Musenyeri yaba yarafataga ku ngufu uwo mubikira.

Mu kwiregura, Musenyeri yasabye urukiko kubaza Ma Sœur ubumuga yaba yaramusanganye cyane ko nta muntu bwaca mu rihumye. Umubikira yavuze ko nta bwo rwose ngo ko Musenyeri ari umugabo nk’abandi. Musenyeri mu kumubeshyuza , yazamuye igishura yereka abari bahateraniye , basanga afite iromba, umubikira aramwara.

Koko rero muri ibi bintu bya jenoside , hari abantu benshi bigize abashinjabinyoma cyangwa bategekwa gutanga ubuhamya bw’ibinyoma, ariko bakaba hari utuntu batazi tubakubita hasi mu gihe habonetse ubutabera nyabwo koko. Hari abashinja ibintu bavuga ko bahagazeho, wababaza aho bari bari ugatungutwa no kumva ngo ” nari nihishe muri plafond yo kwa Mugemana, numva abantu basakuza, ndeba hanze mbona Kamanzi atemagura Mukakalisa ku ga centre mu Nganzo”. Wareba intera iri hagati y’aho hantu, ugasanga nta muntu ushobora kuhabona uhagaze mu rugo rwa Mugemana. Ikibabaza ni uko ababeshyera abandi ntawe ubahana. Nk’umubikira wabeshyeye Musenyeri nta wabura kwibaza niba hari igihano yagenewe.

Birakwiye ko abakoze ibyaha babihanirwa cyangwa bakababarirwa niba bafite ukwicuza. Ariko na none ababeshyera abandi bagamije kubabambisha bakwiye guhanwa by’intangarugero niba koko dushaka kubaka umuryango nyarwanda.

Reka twumve uko Iromba rya Musenyeri ritari rizwi na Ma Sœur ryatumye habaho ubutabera.


The Kagame Regime is the enemy of free-thinking Rwandans. On almost every occasion that someone — Rwandan or otherwise– has spoken up about the repression by the regime, the government builds a case for a smear campaign against critics.

Following smear campaigns are disappearances, prison sentences, and assassinations. In countless cases, the Kagame regime has combined prison sentences and assassinations.

Such is the case of Aimable Karasira, a university professor, musician, and famous YouTuber who speaks out on issues affecting ordinary Rwandans. He is bold and energetic, charismatic, and charming. He is also fearless, humane, and compassionate. His human values and compassion are demonstrated in the platform he built and used to address injustices affecting his fellow citizens within Rwanda. Unfortunately, Aimable Karasira has been a target of formal and informal smear campaigns and demonization by the RPF since 2019.

How Does Rwanda Smear & Outcast Dissenters?

Demonization and smear campaigns are run formally (by the government) and informally (by Kagame’s or his regime’s supporters). Formal smear campaigns typically utilize government tabloids and propaganda newspapers as well as known agents of the Rwandese Patriotic Front. In a coordinated attack, publications run articles demonizing and smearing Kagame critics while RPF agents take to social media to slander the victim. Inside the country, intelligence services track people down to express free thought against the Kagame regime.

Meanwhile, domestic and global supporters of Paul Kagame run informal smear campaigns. Those operating outside of the country compliment formal Kagame agents by spreading rumors about the victim and using “innocent criticism” to fuel anti-victim sentiments. They often claim the victim is too radical and should temper their criticism of the government, meanwhile overlooking blatant governmental abuses of power. They feign support while spreading the idea that the victim will eventually be “punished” for speaking out and us the fear of punishment as their reasons not to speak out against the regime.

Channels withing the government of Rwanda such as The Rwanda Diaspora also known as The Rwandan Community Abroad (RCA), the Center for the Fight Against Genocide (CNLG) and Ibuka often spearhead these informal movements. Even though CNLG is an official govenrment entity, the RCA and Ibuka present themselves as unaffiliated with the government. These channels seem harmless and front as anti-genocide and genocide survivor advocates. However, their demonstrated commitment to the Kagame regime and erasure of Rwandan Genocide survivors who do not align with the regime prove otherwise. Ibuka and CNLG serve as attack dogs for the Kagame regime, often using the 1994 genocide as blackmail against the victims of their smear campaigns. Abroad, RCA and Ibuka members conduct community surveillance and are coordinated and financed by Rwandan embassies in countries they operate in. They harass critics globally and infiltrate with the intent to destroy groups that are critical of the government. This isn’t conspiracy talk, either. It is a well-known fact among Rwandans that this happens. Global journalists, such as those at the New York Times, are also beginning to pick up on these tactics. Kagame’s advisor, general James Kabarebe stated recently in a vitriolic speech that they conduct these types of activities abroad intending to destroy exiles and refugees or Rwanda.

These cover-ups work two ways. First, they distract the general population from the abuses of power under the Kagame regime, including the ongoing killings within the country and the Congo (including babies). Second, these slur campaigns scare others into refraining from discussing the issues for fear of what will happen to them. The cycle continues in Rwanda until the newest targeted victim is willfully disappeared by government agents, indefinitely imprisoned, assassinated, or a combination of one or more of these events.

About Aimable Karasira

Aimable Karasira is a survivor of the Rwandan genocide that took place in 1994. The RPF won the war during which the genocide occurred, and the party claimed to stabilize the country. However, during their “stabilization efforts,” the RPF massacred hundreds of thousands of people– including Karasira’s parents and two siblings who had survived the initial genocide. Talking about his family and what was done to them by the RPF after the genocide has brought the hammer of government newspapers, the groups mentioned above, agents, and sympathizers of the government onto Aimable Karasira’s shoulders.

Supporters of the Kagame regime have even accused him of denying the genocide, which he has openly talked about surviving. In Rwanda, denying the genocide is a crime. Misinformation and false rumors by RPF agents about his genocide denial increased calls for imprisonment across the country. This all culminated in Karasira being arrested on May 31st, 2021.

For three weeks, Karasira has been held without a single appearance in court. During this time, he has reportedly been held in the Kicukiro jail without contact with other inmates. Rwandan law states he is supposed to appear in court within three days of his arrest, so his detainment without court appearance is unlawful.

On the weekend of June 19th, Karasira was moved to an unknown location with the claim that he contracted Coronavirus. Readers and defenders of global justice worldwide should be worried about this. Karasira has been quarantined for the last three weeks in a jail cell by himself, begging the question of how and where he picked up the virus. Those who have a working knowledge of the injustices of the Kagame regime understand this news is likely grim. The government might have detained Karasira to a torture chamber. It’s also possible that they plan on assassinating him and covering up the death as a coronavirus death. His safety has been in danger for years now, but he may be in much greater danger of being assassinated with this claim.

This would not be the first of such inmate deaths at the hands of the government. Countless outspoken critics of the Kagame regime have been assassinated in Rwandan jails. Kizito Mihigo died in police custody, and the government of Rwanda claimed that he committed suicide. There are dozens of cases of prisoners who the government has shot, and the government attempted to cover up the deaths by claiming they were trying to flee jail or prison. Many of these victims were shot while handcuffed.

What Can Be Done To Stop This?

Citizens of donor nations are generally unaware of their governments supporting repressive regimes like the one in Rwanda. One thing they can do is to share this article widely to ensure the rest of the world or their networks are informed about this issue.

Knowing about the injustices and human rights violations done by the Kagame regime, donor nations such as the US and the UK must withhold aid to Rwanda and be wary of accounts about dissidents coming from the government. The Netherlands, in particular, funds Rwanda’s judicial system — a system that has been proven to be broken. Their withholding of aid would go a long way to spark change at the government level. When criminals such as Kagame are given resources, they commit more crimes. Holding off on aid sends a message that human rights violations will never be rewarded and begs the regime to change its standards.

Donor nations must call for an immediate release of Aimable Karasira and other prisoners of conscience and political prisoners. These include Paul Rusesabagina (the real-life hero of the Hollywood film Hotel Rwanda), Deo Mushayidi, Mitsindo Viateur and many more innocent Rwandans languishing in prisons. They must also produce poet Bahati Musa who has been missing since early February 2021.

Paul Rusesabagina, who inspired Oscar-nominated film, facing prospect of life in Rwandan prison

It’s unclear precisely how Paul Rusesabagina ended up in Rwanda after flying from U.S. to Dubai.

Rwanda Hotel Rwanda Arrest
Paul Rusesabagina appears in front of the media at the headquarters of the Rwanda Bureau of Investigations building in Kigali in August 2020. Rwandan prosecutors on Thursday requested a life sentence for Rusesabagina, who inspired the film Hotel Rwanda after saving hundreds of people from the 1994 Rwandan genocide. He has been charged with terrorism, but his family says he’s facing mistreatment and an unfair trial. (The Associated Press).

Rwandan prosecutors on Thursday requested a life sentence for the man who inspired the film Hotel Rwanda as he faces terrorism charges, while his family asserts that he faces mistreatment and an unfair trial.

Paul Rusesabagina, once praised for saving hundreds of ethnic Tutsis from Rwanda’s 1994 genocide as a hotel manager, faces charges related to attacks by an armed group inside Rwanda in 2018 and 2019.

The nine charges include the formation of an irregular armed group, membership in a terrorist group and financing terrorism. Prosecutors seek to link him to activities that killed at least nine people.

Rusesabagina, a Belgian citizen and Texas resident, has denied the charges, arguing his case is politically motivated in response to his criticism of Rwanda’s longtime President Paul Kagame.

Abduction alleged

Rusesabagina alleges that he was abducted last year while visiting Dubai and taken to Rwanda, where he was charged. But a court ruled that he was not kidnapped when he was tricked into boarding a chartered flight.

Rwanda’s government has asserted that Rusesabagina was going to Burundi to co-ordinate with armed groups based there and in neighbouring Congo.

“My father Paul Rusesabagina is a political prisoner. He is accused of invented charges, and zero evidence against him has been presented in the Rwandan kangaroo court,” daughter Carina Kanimba tweeted after the prosecution sought the life sentence.

The family also has said Rusesabagina was being denied access to food and water, but Rwanda’s prison authority has denied it.

Global attention

Rusesabagina’s case has received global attention.

This month the Lantos Foundation for Human Rights and Justice said it had filed a formal submission in the U.S. recommending sanctions against Rwandan Justice Minister Johnston Busingye and the head of the Rwanda Investigation Bureau, Col. Jeannot Ruhunga, for their role in Rusesabagina’s detention.

Rusesabagina stopped appearing in court in March, saying he doesn’t expect justice after his request to postpone the trial to prepare his defence was rejected.

His attorney, Felix Rudakemwa, has asserted that Rusesabagina’s legal papers were confiscated by prison authorities.

The Oscar-nominated 2004 film Hotel Rwanda starred Don Cheadle as Rusesabagina. A year later, president George W. Bush awarded Rusesabagina the Presidential Medal of Freedom.

With files from CBC News