Category Archives: Rwanda

Rwanda : la liste des victimes de la police s’allonge.

La terrible nouvelle de la mort du chanteur Kizito Mihigo a été annoncée par la police rwandaise le lundi 17 février 2020.

Selon John Bosco Kabera, porte parole de la police, Kizito Mihigo se serait pendu, à l’aide d’un drap de lit, dans sa cellule de la station de police de Remera où il était détenu depuis 3 jours.

Des observateurs avisés mettent en doute cette version des faits. Certains, qui ont eu le malheur d’être incarcérés dans les cachots de la police, affirment qu’il n’a pas de draps de lits dans ces antichambres de la mort. A y voir de très près, il s’agit ni plus ni moins d’un assassinat déguisé en suicide. En effet, Kizito Mihigo était bien portant au moment de son arrestation et selon les membres de sa famille qui lui ont rendu visite trois jours avant, rien n’indiquait qu’il serait suicidaire. Son arrestation, elle-même, telle que racontée dans les médias par les services du RIB (Rwanda Investigation Bureau), laisse des questions sans réponses et semble être une mise en scène pour couvrir son crime.

Pour rappel, Kizito Mihigo avait été accusé en 2014 d’avoir comploté contre le pays et d’avoir ourdi un complot pour attenter à la vie du président Paul Kagame. Ces accusations avaient été fabriquées suite au courage de Kizito Mihigo de dénoncer l’exploitation éhontée du génocide rwandais : dans une chanson devenue célèbre (Igisobanuro Cy’urupfu : L’explication de la mort), il avait dénoncé les crimes commis contre les Hutu par l’armée du Front Patriotique Rwandais de Paul Kagame et demandait que leur mémoire soit reconnue comme celle des Tutsi massacrés en 1994. Cette prise de position l’avait conduite en prison en 2015 avant d’être remis en liberté en septembre 2018 par grâce présidentielle.

Ce décès de Kizito Mihigo vient allonger une liste de prisonniers qui ont trouvé la mort alors qu’ils étaient aux mains de la police. Curieusement, l’explication reste la même : la police s’empresse d’évoquer le suicide ou des tentatives d’évasion qui l’obligent à tirer sur ces prisonniers.

Les cas les plus parlants des victimes de la police sont :

Le 16 mai 2014, dans le nord du pays, le responsable administratif du secteur Cyuve, région de Musanze, a été tué par la police qui lui reprochait de vouloir s’évader. Il était pourtant menotté et la police a tiré sur lui à bout portant.

Un mois plus tard, soit le 15/06/2014, Eric Hashakimana a été abattu par la police dans le district de Gicumbi. Il aurait tenté de s’échapper en sautant du véhicule lorsqu’il était emmené sur les lieux d’enquête.

Le cas d’Assinapol Rwigara illustre à suffisance la haute criminalité qui baigne parmi la police rwandaise. En porte à faux avec le système FPR qui lui mettait les bâtons dans les roues dans la marche de ses affaires, Rwigara fut mis dans le collimateur du régime qui lança sur lui des escadrons de la mort. Le 04/02/2015, un camion engloutit sa voiture. La police est tout de suite intervenue et les membres de la famille, alertés, sont vite arrivés sur les lieux. Rwigara est encore vivant quant la police le met dans un sac mortuaire. Sa famille proteste, en vain. Il est conduit dans un hôpital militaire où il est achevé. Sa femme a attesté qu’au retour, la tête de son mari avait été fracassée avec des objets contondants.

Le 25 février 2015, le docteur Emmanuel Gasakure, médecin privé du président Paul Kagame, a été tué par la police qui lui reprochait d’avoir voulu désarmer un policier commis à sa garde. Son cas est intéressant et mérite qu’on s’y appesantisse.

Médecin personnel du président Paul Kagame pendant 14 ans (entre 2001 et 2015), le docteur Emmanuel Gasakure était cardiologue en chef à l’université de Nancy en France avant de venir au Rwanda après la victoire du FPR en 1994. Il faisait également partie d’une équipe de recherche européenne et était aussi propriétaire d’une clinique privée en France.

Petit à petit, l’intégrité et la sincérité de Gasakure lui ont attiré des ennuis de la part du couple présidentiel, dont les pratiques mafieuses inspiraient le dédain du médecin à leur égard. Des accusations d’alcoolisme et de laisser-aller sont murmurées dans les oreilles de Paul Kagame et des courtisans mettent en doute sa loyauté envers le président. Lorsque Paul Kagame demanda l’avis de ses conseillers sur la question d’un troisième mandat, Gasakure suggéra que Paul Kagame tienne sa parole et respecte la Constitution. Cela n’a pas été apprécié. Ce fut la goutte d’eau qui fit déborder la vase. Ainsi le 26 octobre 2014 à Londres, lors d’un voyage officiel, Paul Kagame renvoie Gasakure avec colère parce qu’il était trop lent à donner une réponse à une question et lui ordonne de retourner à Kigali. A son arrivée, il est placé en résidence surveillée et interrogé par la police quotidiennement. Il lui était reproché entre autres de violation du secret médical : il avait été piégé et les documents relatifs à la santé du président avaient été subtilisés. Il fut alors accusé de tous les maux : alcoolisme, dépression, violence envers les voisins, et surtout de violation du secret médical. Le 25 février 2015, un policier tire sur lui , au pistolet à bout portant.

Le 23 janvier 2016, l’Imam Mugemangango Muhamada été abattu par la police vers 21h00. Elle a expliqué qu’il a tenté de s’évader lorsqu’il était amené dans une reconstitution d’enquête sur les lieux. La police l’a ainsi abattu car il allait sauter du véhicule pour s’échapper. Il était détenu à la station de police de Kanombe.

Mahoro Jean Bosco est une autre victime de la police. Il a été abattu à la station de police de Kamembe dans le district de Rusizi le matin du 20 avril 2017 par des policiers. Le motif du forfait reste le même : l’intéressé aurait tenté de s’échapper et il a fallu tirer sur lui pour le neutraliser.

Dans la nuit du 29 au 30 décembre 2016, la police a tiré sur Maître Toy Ntabwoba Nzamwita. Elle lui reprochait d’avoir voulu forcer un barrage de la police.

Le 7 avril 2018, la Police rwandaise a arrêté un certain François Nsengiyumva. Il avait été entendu en faisant la réflexion comme quoi la date du 07 avril de chaque année était comme un jour de fête pour les Tutsi. Le 19 avril, il a été exécuté par balles par les gardiens de la prison de Kibungo (Région Est) où il était détenu. Ses assassins ont prétendu qu’il avait tenté de les désarmer et de s’évader… alors qu’il était menotté !

Le 23 avril 2018, la Police a encore annoncé qu’un avocat du barreau de Kigali du nom de Donat Mutunzi, que sa famille signalait « porté disparu » depuis le 13/4, avait été retrouvé mort dans sa cellule de détention de la station de police de Ndera à Kigali. Le porte-parole de la police Théos Badege, actuellement au service à Interpol à Lyon (France) et Modeste Mbabazi, représentant de l’Organe National des Poursuites (RIB), avaient affirmé que le détenu s’était suicidé dans son cachot en utilisant un drap de lit ; que dans sa cellule, deux bouteilles de bière Skol ont été trouvées, prouvant qu’il avait bu pendant la nuit et que même une bouteille avait été fracassée et utilisée pour couper un drap,…

Les cas d’abus de la police, ci haut cités, ne sont pas exhaustifs. Dans l’arrière-pays, des forfaits, nombreux sont commis par les différents services de sécurité. Mais, ils ne sont pas médiatisés. Ainsi va le système du FPR qui a fait du Rwanda un Etat policier.

Gaspard Musabyimana
18/2/2020

“BAMPORIKI ntasobanukiwe uko Abatutsi basuzugura Abahutu…” Eric UDAHEMUKA

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Bwana Édouard BAMPORIKI yinubira imikorere ya FPR.

ISESENGURAMPAMVU NA POLITIKI: “BAVUGIRIJE BAMPORIKI UMWANA WO MU BATINDI UTARASOBANUKIRWA UKO ABATUTSI BAVUYE UGANDA BATEKEREZA, UKO BAKORA, UKO BASUZUGURA ABAHUTU, UKO BABICA URUSORONGO N’UKO BATEGEKA IGIHUGU”

Niba abatutsi bashaka amahoro azaramba kandi n’ababakomokaho bakazaragwa igihugu kizira intugunda, bagomba kwirinda gukomeza gusuzugura abahutu kandi bakabaha agaciro bakaniyumvisha ko banganya uburenganzira ku gihugu cy’u Rwanda no ku byiza byacyo. Biramutse bitagenze bitya, mbona u Rwanda bene rwo bazarutwika rugashya rugakongoka cyangwa rugasaturwamo kabiri impagarike (Gatuna-Kanyaru) cyangwa intambike(Rusumo-Gisenyi) noneho na ba batutsi bakabura intama n’ibyuma.

Agasuzuguro abatutsi bavuye Uganda basuzugura abahutu mu Rwanda gateye icyo n’iki ku buryo kamaze kuba itetu ariko bibonwa kandi bizwi gusa n’abagera ibwami no mu nkengero zaho, cyangwa abakoma ubumwe n’abatutsi ku buryo umwana wo mu batindi nka Bamporiki adashobora kubyisobanurira.

Ikibazo cy’abahutu bareba hafi

Bahutu bavandimwe banjye, kuki iteka mugotomera ibyo mubonye byose ntimufate akanya nibura gato ngo mutekereze kubyo mubona, ibyo mubwirwa n’ibyo mwumva? Ku munsi w’ejo gusa, abantu barenga 50 banyoherereje igitekerezo Bamporiki yatanze asobanura ko ngo bajya kumurega mu bunyamabanga bwa FPR bakamuhimbira ibyaha bamubeshyera, byasaga n’aho atakambira kagame(Shitani nkuru) mbese amwwereka ko mu by’ukuri ari umwere. Ikibazo: “Ese Bamporiki umurega azi uwo ariwe???”

Abo bantu bose ni uguterura bakampereza gusa nta n’umwe nibura wabitangaho igitekerezo ngo yereke abanyarwanda uko ibintu byakagombye kuba bimeze wenda akoresheje ubumenyi bwe uko bureshya nta wabimugayira ari nacyo njyewe iteka mpora nihatira. Abanyarwanda bagomba gusobanukirwa uko politiki y’igihugu cyabo ihagaze kandi kandi bakirinda gufata politiki nk’igikinisho.

Bivuze ngo abo baterura bakaguhereza ntibazi n’icyo ibyo Bamporiki yavuze bihatse n’ikizabivamo. Reka da! Mbese wagira ngo bahora barekereje kumva akavuzwe kose bagahita bagusunikira ubundi nawe ukipfira urwo wipfira waba ubyumva waba utabyumva. Nguwo umusanzu wabo mu mpinduramatwara mu Rwanda!

Bamporiki umwana wo mu batindi kandi uhubuka cyane!
Mu Kinyarwanda gikuru, kwita umuntu umutindi ntabwo ari ukumutuka. Ijambo umutindi risobanura umuntu ufite imyitwarire iburamo imwe mu migenzo mbonezabupfura. Bamporiki wacukuraga imisarani mu Kimicanga (Kigali) bakanamwambura nyuma akaza kujya gukina mu ikinamico URUNANA ashobora kuba ubu noneho yumva impamvu twahunze u Rwanda kuko igihe bamugiraga Umunyamabanga wa Leta, umwanya unganya agaciro n’umushahara nk’ibigenerwa minisitiri yitereye mu bicu yibwira ko abaye igitangaza mu Rwanda ariko ibyo aherutse kuvuga birerekana ko ahubwo yibambye ku giti. Nimutekereze umuntu utaramara umwaka abaye minisitiri bakaba bamugera amajanja! Ariko kuri njye ibi nsanzwe mbizi si igitangaza.

Ikintu cya mbere cyerekana ko Bamporiki agira ubwenge buke, ahubuka mu kuvuga kandi atazi uko abatutsi bavuye Uganda bategeka ntanasubize amaso inyuma ngo yibuke ni uko yari akwiye kwibaza niba mu myaka 25 FPR imaze ku butegetsi n’indi myaka 4 yamaze ku rugamba irwana ari we wa mbere babeshyeye, ariwe wa mbere ubaye inzirakarengane.

Nangwa nawe baramubeshyeye ariko ntiyafungwa. Nangwa nawe baramubeshyeye ariko ntibamwica cyangwa ngo bamugongeshe igikamyo. Ningwe nawe baramubeshyeye ariko ntiyirukanwa ku kazi kamuhemba kakaba kamutungiye umuryango. Niba nawe baramubeshyeye ariko aracyabasha kuvuga. Nibe nawe baramubeshyeye ariko ntibamurasa arimo atoroka kandi yambaye amapingu!!! Ariko rwose Bamporiki arasetsa, ubu se Colonel tom Byabagamba ufunzwe hamwe na Gen. Frank Rusagara uwamubaza icyo bazira yakivuga? Ubuse abimwa akazi bagatsindiye mu Rwanda bangana iki???

Bamporiki n’abandi bahutu mwese mugomba gusobanukirwa uko abatutsi bakora n’uko batekereza

Ikintu gitangaje Bamporiki atari azi ariko akwiye kumenya nonaha niba asoma iyi nyandiko yanjye ariko ndabizi neza azayisoma natanayisoma izamugeraho, ni uko uwo yibwira ko arega ariwe aregera aka ya mvugo ya Kinyarwanda ngo “aranegurira abazimu mu ndaro”.

Kagame ubwe niwe ucura ibinyoma akabikwiza mu bakozi be akanagena uko buri wese agomba kujya kubeshyera undi kugeza bose abahetuye bivuze ngo na Bamporiki abe yitegura ko nawe bazamusaba kugira abandi bahutu bene wabo abeshyera kugira ngo inyungu za Paul Kagame zikomeze zisugire.

Muti ese bigenda bite? Kagame mu myumvire ye kuko azi neza ko abanyarwanda bamwanga urunuka kandi reka bamwange ni mugihe yabacuze bufuni na buhoro, akora ku buryo abaremamo urwicyekwe ngo badahuriza hamwe bakamuhirika. Agafata nka Mureshyankwano akamutegeka ikinyoma azabeshyera Bamporiki kandi Kagame agakora ku buryo Bamporiki amenya ko Mureshyankwano ariwe wamubeshyeye. Icyo gihe Bamporiki ahita yirinda Mureshyankwano kandi akamwanga urunuka.

Kagame mu mayeri ye aba agira ngo areme ubwoba muri Bamporiki umukozi mushya ngo hato atazafatanya n’abashaka impinduka mu gihugu akiri imihini mishya. Bamporiki rero ayo mayeri n’amacenga bigendana n’amayeri by’abatutsi ntabyo azi ahubwo arahurutura ibigambo imbere y’imbaga ngo baramubeshyeye.

Ubu se shahu Bamporiki, urataka ngo muri FPR ntibakundana ugira ngo mukundane kubera iki? Ese shahu Bamporiki waba uzi FPR icyo aricyo? Reka nyikubwire. FPR utibeshya ko ari icyo gitambaro cy’ibendera ubona cyangwa bya bizu bujuje i Rusororo. Reka da! FPR ni sisteme y’ubwicanyi bukorwa kinyamwuga bugamije kurimbura ku isi UMUHUTU n’igisa nawe ku buryo ubwo nawe muri uwo mwanya baguhaye uri nk’imbagwa itegereje gutwarwa mu ibagiro. Ba uretse gato uzaba ureba.

Bamporiki agomba kumenya ko iyo bibaye ngombwa Kagame abantu bamwe b’inzirakarengane anabafungira ubusa inkiko zikanabakatira mu rwego rwo gukomeza kurema urwicyekwe mu mitima y’abanyarwanda. Njyewe mbona umukoro wa mbere abahutu b’abanyarwanda bafite muri rusange ari ukumenya uko abatutsi batekereza, uko bitwara, uko bategeka n’uburyo bakoresha mu kugera ku ntego zabo.

Ibi umuhutu utabizi ntashobora kuzatinyuka kugira uruhare mu mpinduka ishakwa mu Rwanda aho twifuza ko abanyarwanda bose bagomba kuzabana mu mahoro ntawe usuzugura undi, ntawe unena undi. Abahutu bo mu Rwanda birirwa barira ngo barashaka impinduka, maze kubona ko n’uwakuraho FPR akabaha igihugu batagishobora kubera amadefo(inenge) amwe akiri muri kamere zabo no kudafata umwanya uhagije ngo batekereze ku kintu icyo aricyo cyose babonye hanyuma ngo bagerageze kwiyumvisha icyo gihatse. Niko umuntu yagombye gutekereza ariko byagera muri politiki ho bikaba akarusho.

Nk’ubu hari abahutu baminuje, kandi bakuze mu myaka mbese bagombye kuba bazi icyatsi n’ururo, yewe batanagize uruhare muri genocide Kagame yahinduye igijangisho cyo kwigizayo abo adashaka mbese badafite ubusembwa na buke. Ugasanga bari inyuma ya Kayumba Nyamwasa ngo wababwiye ko azabakuriraho Kagame akabaha amahoro. Noneho ukibaza umuhutu ufite dokitora cyangwa lisansi utazi gutandukanya Kayumba Nyamwamsa na Paul Kagame ubwo uwo muntu yumva afite ubwenge?

Umuntu nk’uko udashobora kwisobanurira isano iri hagati ya Kagame na Kayumva n’uko byagenda kayumba aramutse asimbuye Kagame, ubwo se uwo wambwira ngo umutezemo muyobozi ki mu bihe bizaza? Mugomba gukanguka, mukamenya ubwenge, icyatumye Kayibanda Gregoire atsinda abatutsi akabambura ingomba izuba riva kandi bari bayimaranye imyaka 600 ni uko yari azi ubwenge, akirinda guhubuka, akamenya gufata akanya ke gahagije agasesengura ibyo abona, ibyo abwirwa n’ibyo yumva, akamenya kwiyubaha mu bandi, akamenya kwirinda, akirinda kurya ibyo abonye, agafata akanya ke agasoma ibitabo, umunyapolitiki udasoma ibitabo aba ari umunyapolitiki nyabaki??? Umaze gusoma ibitabo bingahe???

Gregoire Kayibanda yari umuntu nkawe, yari umuntu nkanjye, kandi burya abantu bose baba bifitemo ubushobozi bwo gukora ibintu byinshi bikomeye byahindura isi bikagirira rubanda akamaro isi dutuyeho ikaba nziza kurushaho ariko abenshi ntibabigeraho bitewe no kutamenya kubyaza umusaruro impano bifitemo cyangwa kutamenya gukoresha neza uburyo n’ubushobozi bihari.

Bavandimwe bahutu rero mwibwiraga ko Bamporiki ari mu munyenga ngo kuko yahawe kariya kazi, nimusubize amerwe mu isaho. N’abatutsi bavuye Uganda ubwabo baramarana bakicana nkanswe Bamporiki. Menya ubwenge umenye uko wakwitwara mu bibazo utagombye kuvuza iya bahanda ukemure ibibazo byawe gipfura utagombye kwiha amenyo y’abasetsi.

Niba umubyeyi wawe yarakongoreye ikintu bucece muri mu kirambi kigenzure witonze kandi bwombo wongere ukigenzure bucece nusanga ibyo yavuze ari ukuri, ufate icyemezo cya kigabo kandi nabwo bucece nibwo uzaba ubaye umugabo, nusanga kandi yarakubeshye nta kosa azaba yarakoze kuko GUSAZA NI UGUSAHURWA naho ubundi ibindi byose wakora bibusanije n’uyu mugenzo nyarwanda-mbonezabupfura icyo gihe uba ubaye SAGIHOBE!!!

ERIC UDAHEMUKA
E-mail : udaheric@gmail.com

The Debts of Dictators : who will pay back Kagame’s debts?

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“The Debts of Dictators “

So,I’ve just learned that Rwanda’ President Paul Kagame auctioned part of Rwanda by selling for “eternity” the Bugesera International Airport to the Emir of Qatar(60% of stakes ).

Appolinaire NISHIRIMBERE

I immediately remembered a documentary watched while at AFRODAD Summer School, edition 2019 in Pretoria: “The Debt of Dictators “.
The one-hour documentary film shows how dictators contract loans with international financial institutions like World Bank (WB, International Monetary Fund (IMF), and others and consequently the price poor citizens pay to repay. It’s horrible and odious. For example, people say that South Africa is rich, right ? Did you know how much the apartheid government contradicted for its army, police and other white owned infrastructures?

All those loans were contracted to repress black South Africans. The apartheid debt is now being expensively repaid by the poor South Africans. It was heartbreaking to see that there are even some communities who wish to get infected with HIV/AIDS just to benefit from social assistance as the ANC Government is repaying billions of dollars as part of apartheid loans, annually.

Now the question is : why should financial institutions keep pumping money into governments like the government of Rwanda while they are aware that the same money is being used to repress and torture citizens and opponents ? Who will repay it as even the poor children are born with debt?

Why do IMF , World Bank and some Governments keep funding a Government which is funding in return with billions of US dollars big western soccer teams like Arsenal and PSG while the money given is intended to fund grassroots wellbeing? Is this normal and fair ?

Why dictators prefer foreign loans instead of domestic resources mobilization to fund national economies ? Part of the answer is that if citizens directly pay in taxes for their economic development , their governments will be accountable and citizens will demand for accountability, and therefore participate in management of their countries.

While loans are easy to get, the said documentary contends that some of the international bankers are like lawyers, they even support criminals , dictators as long as their interest is secured no matter who will repay the price. Therefore, loans benefit the industrialized countries and keep developing countries poorer and poorer as they reimburse their debts huge interests. Now you can understand who help who and why.

Hummm ! Haven’t you said that President Kagame is the smartest African leader who is miraculously developing Rwanda ? My African friends, he is rubbing with western bankers and Asian sultans and Emirs. Is he developing Rwanda or giving it as bank guarantee ? Who will repay his debt, not poor Rwandan taxpayers, years after him ? Remember some of those sovereign loans are paid back even after 4 decades or more and affect the most vulnerable (women and children) when those who are answerable will have passed away like in the case of South Africa today.

Rwanda’s national airport sold to Qatar.

Africans , wake up and stop selling your continent, engage in win win cooperation which benefits the poor.

Source: Appolinaire Nishirimbere (facebook page).

Another gambling of Kagame’s: he sells national airport to Qatar for eternity!

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Bugesera Airport under construction

KAGAME GAMBLES AGAIN:

1. Kagame has kicked out “Mota Engil Engenharia e Construcao Africa”, (Mota Engil), from Bugesera airport construction “deal”!

The “investor” had signed a “deal” with Kagame junta to construct and manage Bugesera airport for 25 years, with the option to extend the “deal” for 15 years.

Construction of Bugesera airport commenced. However, Kagame developed misunderstandings with Mota Engil, for undisclosed reasons.

Today, Kagame signed a new “deal” with the Emir of Qatar, to construct and manage the airport in perpetuity. Qatar air, which is Qatar government owned airline, will own 60% stake in Bugesera airport.

Rwanda’s dictator Kagame (L) and Qatar’s Emir Sheikh Tamim (R).

Issue:
a) A 60% stakeholder has unlimited power over the business. Qatar government will therefore have unlimited power over Bugesera airport. This is fixed asset business. Bugesera airport will probably be a Sovereign (Qatar) in another Sovereign (Rwanda). How will the two Sovereigns, each led by an insane absolute leader, work together?

b) An international airport bears on many public policy areas and priorities. How will Rwanda design, prioritize and implement its public policy that touches on Bugesera airport, owned by another Sovereign, 60% stake?

c) Mota Engil, the company Kagame kicked out, has threatened to take on Rwanda in Court, probably in Washington DC or New York, for breach of contract. Rwanda is likely to lose millions of US dollars in litigation and compensating Mota Engil. For which proportional good has Kagame taken this highly risky route, in legal, economic and political terms?

2. Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and the United Emirates – Qatar’s neighboring countries – accuse Qatar of supporting terrorists in the region. Kagame is accused of supporting terrorism in the region. Moustapha, the major sponsor of terrorists in the Sahel is now based in Kigali. Moustapha is Emir of Qatar and Kagame’s “business” associate and partners-in-crime.
Issue:
d) Should the Great Lakes Region of Africa expect unimaginable acts of terrorism, with DRC becoming a failed State and the center of Kagame’s “brand” of International terrorism?

3. Qatar’s neighbors have banned overflights to Qatar, including Qatar air, because the government of Qatar is real headache to the entire region.
Issue:
e) Qatar is in disparate need of an airport, over which the Emir of Qatar has absolute control, from which Qatar will coordinate international terrorism and distribute contrabands. Why is Kagame determined to provide such facility to Qatar?
f) Where does this “deal” leave Kagame with Western democracies, Saudi Arabia, Israel, etc., who support and sustain Qatar’s regional isolation?

g) What does this deal mean for physical security in the Great Lakes Region of Africa?

h) Will Kagame remain loyal to Qatar or he will change his mind and kick Qatar out of the “deal”? The cost will probably be unbearable, for Kagame and his junta, either way.

Professor Charles Kambanda, PhD

Professor KAMBANDA rubishes BUSINGYE’s response to UK legislators.

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Charles Kambanda

Dr Charles Kambanda, PhD

MEMORANDUM

TO: MR. Johnston Busingye
Minister of Justice and
Attorney General,
Rwanda, Kigali

From: Charles KM Kambanda, PhD
Attorney and Counsel-at-Law
New York State,
United States of America

Date: November 08th, 2019

RE: Concerning the contrivance and misapprehension of common law sub judice rule, in your response to the British Legislators’ call for Col. Tom Byabagamba and Brig. Gen. Frank Rusagara’s release.

I. Introduction
This Memorandum serves to draw your attention to the shameful falsehoods and inaccuracies in your letter dated 6 November 2019, addressed to The Rt. Hon. Baroness D’Souza CMG, and other UK Legislators, hereafter the British legislators. On behalf of the government of Rwanda, you dismissed the British legislators’ call for the immediate release of Col. Tom Byabagamba and Brig. Gen. Frank Rusagara. You wrongly argued that the British legislators’ letter amounts to ex facie contempt of court and your government does not interfere with cases that are before a competent Court of law.

You invoked the Common Law sub-judice rule; that substantive issues of the matter before a competent court cannot be discussed outside the Court. You contend that the government of Rwanda wouldn’t comment on Col. Tom Byabagamba and Brig. Gen. Frank Rusagara case because the detainees appealed their conviction. Your ‘argument” is erroneous, at law, because it is settled law that the common law sub judice rule does not apply (1) where the case involves matter of public concern, like the instant case and (2) when citizens are exercising their duty to hold government officials accountable
In your letter, you faked what you called a UK case; “Assange v. United Kingdom”. No such case has ever been litigated in the United Kingdom. You faked the parties, facts and the “ruling”.

II. Background
On 4 November 2019, The Rt. Hon. Baroness D’Souza CMG, House of Lords et al., wrote to the President of Rwanda, expressing their concern regarding continued detention of Col. Tom Byabagamba and Brig. Gen. Frank Rusagara.

On 31 March 2016, Col. Tom Byabagamba and Brig. Gen. Frank Rusagara were convicted different political crimes. Col Tom Byabagamba was convicted of Inciting insurrection or trouble amongst the population, committing an act aimed at tarnishing the image of the Country or the Government, Contempt of the national flag and Concealing objects which were used or meant to commit an offence. Rtd Brig Gen Frank Rusagara was convicted of Inciting insurrection or trouble amongst the population, committing an act aimed at tarnishing the image of the Country or the Government, Illegal possession of guns and their ammunitions.

On 23 December 2017, The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention rendered its opinion No 85/20 17 that the deprivation of liberty of Mr. Frank Rusagara, and Tom Byabagamba is arbitrary and in contravention of Article 95,9,10,12 and 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Articles 7, 9,10,14,15,17 and 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Category I, II and III, and that the deprivation of liberty of Mr. François Kabayiza is arbitrary and in contravention of articles 9 and 10 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Articles 9 and 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, category III.

Col. Tom Byabagamba and Brig. Gen. Frank Rusagara were sentenced to 21 and 20 years, respectively.

The British legislators requested for the release of Col. Tom Byabagamba and Brig. Gen. Frank Rusagara, at least on humanitarian ground, because of the deteriorating health condition of the two former Kagame loyalists.

III. Col. Tom Byabagamba and Brig. Gen. Frank Rusagara case is a matter of public concern for Rwandans and friends of Rwanda, including the British Legislators – whose taxpayer’s money sustains your government. The British Legislators moved to hold Rwanda to the Commonwealth and/or international human rights standards.

The “crimes” for which the two Kagame former loyalists were convicted of are ridiculous political crimes; spreading rumors, tarnishing the image of the country and government, concealing evidence from the government and undermining Rwanda flag. These “crimes” are classic political crimes in Criminology. Political ‘crimes” are legal acts, criminalized at the convenient of the dictator trying to hold on to power by all means. Jefferson Thomas, one of the Founding Fathers of the US, in his Correspondence and Papers vol. 12, 1816 -1826, calls political crimes “acts against the oppression of the government”. The two detainees, like thousands of other political prisoners, are in prison for standing up to oppression.

The “crimes” the two detainees are accused of constitute State crime; your government is perpetrating hilarious crimes against Rwandans using unconstitutional codified political crimes, in contravention of the 2003 Constitution of Rwanda, as amended. The 2003 Constitution of Rwanda, in its Preamble, provides that “Rwanda is committed to uphold people’s fundamental human rights … and build a State governed by rule of law and a pluralistic Democracy”. Chapter IV provides that “Rwanda is committed to uphold human rights and freedoms”. Article 24 guarantees the right to liberty and security of a person. Article 27 provides for free participation in government [affairs]. Article 29 provides for Due Process. Article 38 provides for freedom of expression. The political crimes against Col Tom Byabagamba and Brig. General Frank Rusagara are evidence that the government of Rwanda does not respect the 2003 Constitution and the international legal instruments Rwanda ratified. President Paul Kagame’s junta uses the law, and courts of law, to entrench violation of human rights and freedoms.

Aside from the preposterous political crimes the two former senior military officers were convicted of, the two men were denied their right to fair hearing and the right to confront their accusers. The detainees were not allowed to cross-examine their accusers, in contravention of the 2003 Constitution of Rwanda and the relevant International Conventions Rwanda ratified.

Busingye

Mr. Busingye Johnson, Kagame’s minister of justice

IV. Your claim that The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention opinion NO 85/20 17 is not binding on Rwanda is outrageous. Your insistence that the British Legislators should not cite the UN Group’s opinion is ridiculous.

A. The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention points to binding legal instruments
You “argued” that the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention opinion NO 85/20 17 is not “binding” on Rwanda ” [because] the United Kingdom government recently noted in the case of Assange v United Kingdom, that opinion of UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention is not judicial in nature and non-binding on domestic courts”. First, you faked Assange v United Kingdom No such Court case has ever happened in the UK. Second, the UN Working Group has never issues an opinion over the UK. The only Court case involving Assange in the UK is Assange v Swedish Prosecution Authority, [2012] UKSC 22. It’s direful for a Minister of Justice and Attorney General to “cite” a fake case, in a letter of such importance.

The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention opinion on Col. Tom Byabagamba and Brig. Gen. Frank Rusagara case determined that your government is in violations of specific international legal instrument and the Constitution of Rwanda. These legal instruments are binding on Rwanda. The UN Group on Arbitrary Detention “named and shamed” the government of Rwanda. Thereupon, your argument that the Group’s opinion is not binding on Rwanda is a lazy no-count and must be treated with the contempt it deserves.

B. Contrary to your “argument”, Assange’s case is distinguishable from Co. Tom Byabagamba and Brig. Gen. Frank Rusagara
Assuming your intention was to cite Assange v Swedish Prosecution Authority, [2012] UKSC 22, not Assange v United Kingdom you faked, you or your office should have bothered to know that in Assange v Swedish Prosecution Authority, [2012] UKSC 22, Mr Julian Assange challenged the validity of the European Arrest Warrant (EAW) on the ground (amongst others) that his arrest warrant had been issued by a public prosecutor who was not a ‘judicial authority’ as required by article 6 of the Framework Decision and by sections 2(2) and 66 of the 2003 Act. The Supreme Court (Majority) held that the EAWs were binding to domestic Courts. Whilst Minority – Lord Mance – ruled that domestic courts were not bound as a matter of European law to interpret Part 1 of the 2003 Act in a manner which accords with the Framework Decision. It is heinous that you and your office confuse the Framework Decision in Assange v Swedish Prosecution Authority, [2012] UKSC 22 with the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention opinion Co. Tom Byabagamba and Brig. Gen. Frank Rusagara’s case.

V. The government of Rwanda cannot rely on Common Law sub judice rule in this case

A. It is despicable, at law, to invoke common law sub judice rule in matters of public concern and/or interest.
In your letter, you opined that President Kagame and his government cannot interfere with the judiciary, in violation of the common law sub judice rule. For all we know of President Kagame’s dictatorship, this is frothy assertion. First, Col. Tom Byabagamba and Brig. Gen. Frank Rusagara are in prison for ridiculous political crimes. Political crimes are created by dictators, for the dictator’s political survival. Second, there is no independent institution in Rwanda. The fact that you have draconic laws like the crimes Col. Tom Byabagamba and Brig. Gen. Frank Rusagara are accused of is proof that your government is a dictatorship. In a dictatorship, all institutions serve the absolute ruler. The British Legislators, like all right thinking Rwandans, are asking your government to drop those ridiculous political crimes from the criminal code, respect the 2003 Constitution of Rwanda and all the international legal conventions Rwanda ratified.
In Exparte Bread Manufacturing Lts, Re Truth and Sportsman Lt (1937) SR (NSW) 242, Court held that statements are not contemptuous if they raise legitimate and pressing issues of public importance; also Rv Edmonton Sun, 200 ABQB and Midi Television (pty) Ltd v Director of Public Prosecution (2001) SCA 56 (RSA). In Attorney General v Time Newspapers [1973] 1 ALL ER. 815 (UKCA), the Supreme Court held that matters of public interest cannot be suppressed merely because of the common law sub judice rule. When citizens are exercising their constitutional duty to hold government accountable for its excess, government cannot invoke sub-judice rule. Your government cannot invoke sub judice rule in this case.

B. Where government is involved, common law sub judice rule triggers complex freedom of speech legal issues

In Dagenais v Canadian Broadcasting Corp. [1994] 3 S.C.R. 835, Court held that the common law sub judice rule cannot overshadow freedom of expression. Dagenais case set two-fold standard to ensure that sub judice rule does not suppress freedom of speech; the necessity and salutary effect standard. Justice Ruthrfold reasoned that sub judice rule is not a tool that can be pulled out of the box for use on occasions when it suits one’s interests.” In almost all cases when government evokes common law sub judice rule, freedom of speech legal issues arise. When government invocation of sub judice rule trigger free speech legal issues, the Dagenais two-fold sub judice standards convert to strict scrutiny standard because freedom of speech is a fundamental right.

In jurisdictions where ex facie contempt is codified, the Statute must create a public affairs exception or a defense. The rationale is that matters of public concern or when people endeavor to hold their government accountable, sub judice rule does not apply. That’s the law; your government can’t re-invent common law sub judice rule

VI. Conclusion
Concocting case law ( fake parties, facts and ruling) and invoking sub judice – which you know or should know – does not apply to the instant case – puts you, your office and government of Rwanda to disrepute and raises competence issues for you and your office. ‘Citing” a bogus case, like the “Assange v United Kingdom” you faked, in a document of national importance, is unbecoming of any lawyer, much less a country’s Attorney General. Col. Tom Byabagamba and Brig. Gen. Frank Rusagara, like many other Rwandans, are languishing in prison because President Kagame perceives them as a threat to his absolute power. Heed the British legislators’ call; your government should respect the 2003 Constitution of Rwanda and all the international human rights conventions Rwanda ratified. Rwandans must build a democratic society for sustainable development or your government is clutching at straws.

Dr Kambanda Charles, PhD

Attorney at Law

The danger of unchallenged myth: The lie that is Rwandan President Paul Kagame.

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The danger of an unchallenged myth: The lie that is Rwandan President Paul Kagame

by David Hundeyin On Nov 7, 2019

When I set about writing this, two poignant quotes kept bouncing around in my head, which describe everything I want to express in this column. The first, by Martin Luther King goes thus: “Nothing in all the world is more dangerous than sincere ignorance and conscientious stupidity.” The second quote, from a speech by US President John F. Kennedy at Yale University goes thus: “For the great enemy of truth is very often not the lie — deliberate, contrived and dishonest — but the myth — persistent, persuasive, and unrealistic.”

These two quotes perfectly sum up my views on the sudden appearance of Paul Kagame as a kite being flown within Nigerian political and policy circles. Regardless of who is behind the sudden emergence of an East African strongman as a purported example for Nigerian or African leadership, it is very important to question and challenge this dangerous narrative before it takes root and begins to infect national decision making, as is so often the case. The case for Kagame-style leadership as a panacea to African development issues hinges on two major beliefs: that Kagame is a “benevolent dictator” who leads with his country’s interests in mind, and that he is a “competent dictator” who knows how to get things done and achieve results.

Let us briefly interrogate these two notions.

The ‘benevolent dictator’ is fictional

What is most commonly used to sell the myth of Paul Kagame is the idea that he is some sort of patriotic strongman – the father of the modern Rwandan nation who came in like a hero at the country’s darkest hour to steer it away from genocidal division toward the cusp of a 21st century economic breakout. His “example” is typically cited by non-Rwandan Africans as a stark contrast to their incompetent and corrupt (elected) governments. “If only Kagame’s peers across Africa could be like him! Africa would be so developed by now!”

This myth conveniently ignores some very inconvenient facts that tell a completely different story about who Kagame is and what the modern state of Rwanda is actually built on. First of all, Kagame’s portrayal as a hero in the context of the events of 1994 could not be wider of the mark. It often comes as a shock to many who discover upon some cursory reading, that there was a second genocide happening almost concurrently in Rwanda as well as in neighbouring Burundi and Eastern DRC in 1994. This genocide, which was characterised by massacres and rapes of hundreds of thousands of Hutu civilians and refugees between 1990 and 1996, was twice recognised the UN in 1997 and 1998 as a genocide under Article 2 of the 1948 Genocide Convention.

Paul Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), and later on his Rwandan-backed Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (AFDL), were repeatedly implicated in these sordid events, but the sheer ferocity of the 1994 Tutsi genocide perhaps allowed him to fly under the radar as the lesser of two evils. By invoking the memory of April 1994 at every opportunity, Kagame has successfully convinced the world to forget that he was in fact, a tribal warlord fighting an illegitimate war against an elected government, before a series of “convenient” events led him into power in Kigali.

What Kagame really is more than anything else, is an opportunist – the ruthless winner who got to write history and cynically exploit the world’s emotions by presenting a complicated – and by no means concluded – conflict as a 3-month spurt of madness that he heroically ended. Rather than contextualise the Rwandan genocide as part of a wider African Great Lakes regional crisis, and acknowledge the ongoing role of the Kagame regime in destabilising and plundering the Eastern DRC, Africa and the world have falled for his contrived and carefully cultivated leadership myth, allowing him to repeatedly escape difficult questions.

Difficult questions like: “Why do Rwandan opposition members keep going missing?” “How did he get 99 percent of the votes cast in the 2017 Rwandan election?” “Why is Diane Rwigara in prison?” “Why does his government regularly seize, expropriate and auction homes, property and businesses belonging to government critics?” “How come Rwanda has barely any coltan deposits, but is one of the world’s largest coltan exporters, while coincidentally sharing a border with the Eastern DRC which has extensive coltan deposits and an everlasting civil war fueled by armed groups linked to Kigali?” “How many civilian massacres and mass rapes did the RPF under his leadership carry out between 1990 and 1996?” “Why did he respond to a 2006 report by French magistrate Jean-Louis Bruguière, linking him to the assassination of former Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana by breaking off Rwanda’s diplomatic relationship with France?”

In an alternate universe, Paul Kagame would be answering questions about RPF war crimes and his role in the events of 1994 at the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha, Tanzania. Instead, because of the power of the “benevolent dictator” myth, this charming, narcissistic Mobutu Sese Seko regen with a nice smile and good PR is currently the toast of many within Africa’s ironically-termed intelligentsia.

The ‘competent dictator’ is another myth

When Customs Controller General, Col. Hamid Ali recently made a comment comparing Nigeria’s nonsensical border closure to China’s alleged border closure in the 20th century, it was a sign that Nigeria’s government has moved on from selling myths and inaccurate information to Nigerians, and started formulating real policies with long term consequences based on false information. Why this worried me was that it presented the possibility of a scenario where the Kagame myth will be used as a basis for policy and political moves that will destroy our hard-won democratic freedoms and wreck our economy for nothing.

If an MDA head and his boss in Aso Rock are making policy decisions based on Chinese ‘historical events’ that simply did not happen, they can also make decisions based on a Rwandan success story that is entirely fictional. As of today, for example, Rwanda has roughly one doctor per 15,600 people. To put that in perspective, Nigeria has roughly one doctor per 2,500 people, and it is widely accepted that this figure represents a healthcare emergency. Rwanda’s per capita GDP is also a miserable $850, putting it behind Chad and war-torn Yemen, and just ahead of economic powerhouses like Haiti, Afghanistan and South Sudan. In 25 years since seizing power, Paul Kagame’s regime has managed to pave just 1,000km of the country’s 12,000km of roads – about 8.3 percent of the total road network.

Even in the famously clean and shiny capital city Kigali, only the most important roads are paved, with the majority of streets still brown earthroads. Most tellingly, anything from 30 to 50 percent of Rwanda’s national budget is still funded by foreign aid every year, more than a quarter of a century after Paul Kagame seized power. Behind the shiny, clean streets of Kigali and the PR-savviness of Kagame’s regime, complete with poverty statistics manipulated to look good as discovered recently by the Financial Times, Rwanda remains a dirt poor banana republic populated by impoverished and terrified people.

If there is such a thing as a “competent dictatorship,” Rwanda is not it, and I cannot stress this point enough. The economically illiterate decision to self harm by closing the borders without sorting out any of the underlying issues that make imported goods more competitive, is an example of ruinous national decision decision-making based on myths like “the Chinese closed their borders.”

Hopefully, we won’t have to learn the hard way that the myth of Paul Kagame – no matter how much we want to believe in it – is just a myth.

David HUNDEYIN

Businessday.ng

Rwanda: only 7 cabinet meetings but 42 abroad trips? Kagame enjoys travelling!

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Kagame Held Only 7 Cabinet Meetings But Made 42 Foreign Trips In 2019

The world traveller who rules by remote control from foreign capitals

General Paul Kagame does not live in Rwanda. He is an absentee dictator who runs Rwanda from foreign capitals. Kagame has held only 7 cabinet meetings versus 42 foreign trips in 2019. This is insane. The closest to Kagame’s lifestyle is Cameroon president Paul Biya who runs his country from a Geneva hotel. Kagame is in fact worse than Biya. The latter at least stays in one place – Switzerland. Kagame is all over the world from Cape Town to Bonn, from Tokyo to Seattle, and all in between.

Here are the 7 times Kagame convened cabinet meetings with his ministers in 2019:

October 10, 2019
July 29, 2019
June 24, 2019
June 7, 2019
April 24, 2019
April 3, 2019
January 28, 2019

But see how many foreign trips Kagame has made so far in the past 10 months – 42 trips outside Rwanda.

Here are Kagame’s foreign trips so far in 2019:

Abidjan, Ivory Coast, October 14, 2019
Marrakech, Morocco, October 12, 2019
Bonn, Germany, October 4, 2019
Seattle, USA, October 2, 2019
New York, USA, September 22–26, 2019
Nairobi, Kenya, September 18, 2019
Brazzaville, Congo, September 10, 2019
Yokohama, Japan, August 28, 2019
Biarritz, France, August 25, 2019
Luanda, Angola, August 21, 2019
Windhoek, Namibia, August 19, 2019
Lusaka, Zambia, August 11, 2019
London, UK, July 23, 2019
Luanda, Angola, July 12, 2019
Niamey, Niger, July 7, 2019
Gaborone, Botswana June 27, 2019
Antananarivo, Madagascar, June 26, 2019
Bruxelles, Belgium, June 17, 2019
Abuja, Nigeria, June 11, 2019
Libreville, Gabon, June 10, 2019
Kinshasa, DR Congo, May 31, 2019
Pretoria, South Africa, May 25, 2019
Paris, France, May 17, 2019
Los Angeles, USA, April 30, 2019
San Francisco, USA, April 28, 2019
Cairo, Egypt, April 23, 2019
Saddleback, USA, April 14, 2019
New York, USA, April 11, 2019
Dakar, Senegal, April 2, 2019
Luanda, Angola, March 30, 2019
Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania, March 7, 2019
Cape Town, South Africa, March 5, 2019
Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, March 1, 2019
Charlotte, USA, February 28, 2019
Munich, Germany, February 15, 2019
Abu Dhabi, February 13, 2019
Dubai, February 12, 2019
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, February 9, 2019
Arusha, Tanzania, February 1, 2019
Davos, Switzerland, January 24, 2019
Addis Ababa, January 17, 2019
Tokyo, Japan, January 7, 2019

Stay tuned – 2019 is not yet over.

Dr. David HIMBARA, Ph D

Duhagaritse gukomeza kwingingira FPR ibiganiro nk’aho yo itabifitemo inyungu.

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Itangazo no 2019/10/001

Itangazo rigenewe itangazamakuru

DUHAGARITSE GUKOMEZA KWINGINGIRA FPR IBIGANIRO NK’AHO YO ITABIFITEMO INYUNGU.

Nadine CK

Madame Nadine Claire KASINGE umuyobozi w’ISHEMA Party

Hashingiwe ku ngingo za 42, 52, 74 z’Itegeko-Shingiro ishyaka ISHEMA ry’U Rwanda rigenderaho kugeza ubu ;
Hashingiwe ku bikubiye mu gika cya 4, 5, 6 na 7 by’iryo tegeko-shingiro ;
Hashingiwe kandi ku byemezo bya KONGERE z’Ishyaka zabanjirije iyi;
Abataripfana bayobowe na Madame Nadine Claire KASINGE, Perezida w’ishyaka, bateraniye muri KONGERE idasanzwe yabereye i Paris kuwa 06 Ukwakira 2019.
Bamaze gusuzumana ubushishozi ibibazo by’ingutu Rubandigoka ihura na byo muri icyi gihe;
Bamaze gusuzumira hamwe intambwe zatewe ngo impinduka nziza abanyarwanda basonzeye igerweho binyuze mu nzira y’amahoro idasesa andi maraso y’abana b’u Rwanda nk’ayamenetse mu mateka ya vuba aha n’aya cyera;
Abagize Kongere biyemeje kongera kunonosora umurongo na politiki Abataripfana bihaye kugira ngo batange umusanzu n’ubufasha byihuse mu gutabara Rubandigoka ihozwa mu ibagiro ry’agatsiko ka FPR INKOTANYI.

I. Kongere idasanzwe iributsa ibi bikurikira:
1. Ishyaka ISHEMA kuva ryashingwa ryagerageje kujya gukorera politiki mu Rwanda inshuro ebyiri rikomwa mu nkokora n’abanzi b’amahoro bahisemo politiki mbisha y’Apartheid yimirijwe imbere n’ishyaka FPR-Inkotanyi.
2. N’ubwo Ishyaka ISHEMA ryahisemo inzira y’amahoro n’ibiganiro bidafifitse, bimaze kugaragara ko ibyo FPR itabikozwa ahubwo irushaho kwenyegeza umuriro w’amakimbirane n’intambara mu Rwanda no mu karere kose k’ibiyaga bigari.
3. Guverinoma iyobowe n’ishyaka FPR-INKOTANYI yafashe icyemezo cyo kuducira ishyanga ubwo yanganga burundu ko twinjira mu gihugu cyacu gakondo tariki ya 23 Ugushyingo 2016 ndetse ikagitsimbararaho tariki ya 23 Mutarama 2017.
4. Ni ihame ridakuka abanyarwanda banze ubwami, bityo u Rwanda ni Repubulika, si akarima ka Paul Kagame n’agatsiko ke k’abanyamurengwebagashize ayoboye bibumbiye mu mutwe w’iterabwoba wiyise FPR-Inkotanyi.

II. Kongere irashimira
1. Turashimira Abanyarwanda bitanze batizigamye kugira ngo gahunda zose zo kujya gukorera politiki mu Rwanda zishoboke.
2. Turashimira by’umwihariko Komisiyo iyobowe na Nyakubahwa Padiri Thomas Nahimana ku bw’ubutumwa butoroshye yakoze mu kugerageza ibiganiro bidafifitse kugira ngo abataripfana bajye gukorera politiki mu Rwanda.

III. Kongere iragaya
1. Turagaya cyane Paul Kagame n’agatsiko ke k’abanyamurengwebagashize bakomeje gusuzugura birenze urugero abanyarwanda bahisemo iyo nzira y’amahoro.
2. Turagaya kandi Paul Kagame n’agatsiko k’abatutsi b’abahezanguni bakomeje gutsimbarara ku mvugo ngo “nta muhutu ushobora kongera kuyobora u Rwanda”, bagasuzugura kandi bagatesha agaciro abalideli bose bakomoka mu bwoko bw’abahutu.
3. Turagaya cyane gahunda mbisha za FPR zishingiye ku gucecekesha ku ngufu Rubandigoka no kuyicisha inzara, kubambura utwabo, no kubavangura hitwikiriwe gahunda z’udukingirizo nka « ndumunyarwanda » zibangamira cyane ubwiyunge bw’abanyarwanda.

IV. Kongere ifashe imyanzuro ikurikira:
I. Duhagaritse gusaba no kwingingingira FPR ibiganiro nk’aho yo itabifitemo inyungu.
II. Dukomeje kwifuriza u Rwanda n’abanyarwanda amahoro n’amajyambere byubakiye k’ UKURI, UBUTWARI no GUSARANGANYA ibyiza by’igihugu.

III. Turahamagarira abahutu bose aho bava bakagera kumva ko na bo bafite uburenganzira bwo kwirwanaho bagaharanira uburenganzira bwabo ntibakomeze guhindurwa abacakara n’abagereerwa mu gihugu cyabo. Koko rero nk’uko amateka y’isi abigaragaza, iyo igice cy’abenegihugu gikandamizwa nta we gisaba uburenganzira bwo kwirwanaho: Abirabura bo muri Amerika bayobowe na Martin Luther King barahagurutse birwanaho, Abirabura bo muri Afurika y’Epfo bayobowe na Nelson Mandera barahagurutse birwanaho kandi babigeraho, Abahinde bayobowe na Ghandi barahagurutse birwanaho nabo babigeraho, Abatutsi mu Rwanda binyujijwe mu mashyirahamwe anyuranye baharanira kandi bagahabwa uburenganzira bwabo ntankomyi. Nta shiti abahutu bazagera ku burenganzira bwabo ku bufatanye n’Abatutsi bashyira mu gaciro bemera ko u Rwanda rw’amahoro arambye ari urwo abanyarwanda twese twibonamo.

Bikorewe Montréal muri Canada kuwa 10 Ukwakira 2019.
Nadine Claire KASINGE

Perezida w’ishyaka ISHEMA ry’U Rwanda.
(Sé)

Kagame appoints senators. Welcome to Banana Republic of Rwanda !

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New Rwandan senators are coming on board as of September 20, 2019. But Rwandan senate is a rubber stamp under the constitution engineered by General Paul Kagame. Rwanda’s senate is embarrassing. The senate is composed of twenty-six (26) senators appointed as follows:

Eight (8) senators are directly appointed by Kagame.
Twelve (12) senators are nominated by national administrative entities, but heads of these entities are appointed by Kagame.
Four (4) senators are nominated by the forum of political parties, which is dominated by Kagame’s ruling party, RPF.
One (1) associate professor from public institutions of higher learning is nominated by universities headed by Kagame appointees.
One (1) associate professor is elected by private institutions of higher learning.

In other words, 99 percent of Rwandan senators are directly or indirectly appointed by Kagame. The 1 percent not directly or indirectly appointed by Kagame is the associate professor from private universities.

Despite the fact that the senators are unelected presidential appointees, the president of the senate is number 2 to the president of the republic. According to the constitution’s Article 105, if the president of the republic dies, resigns, or is incapacitated, he ”is then replaced in an acting capacity by the President of the Senate.”

General Kagame loves 99 percent. He won the last election in 2017 by 99%.

David Himbara

The Financial Times says Rwanda has manipulated its economic data.

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On Tuesday, in a lengthy investigation using data journalists, the Financial Times said Rwanda has manipulated its poverty statistics. In 2015, France 24 had already reported that Kigali had fiddled with its economic statistics.

Four years ago credible insider sources told France 24 that Rwanda had manipulated its poverty statistics. Now, the Financial Times, using data journalists, has reached the same conclusion. The manipulation took place just before a referendum in 2015 that allowed President Paul Kagame to extend his then 15-year rule for up to another two decades. Within this context, Kagame could not accept statistics which would show that poverty had risen.

The FT writes that its “analysis of the survey’s more than 14,000 data points and interviews with academics shows that rising prices for Rwandan families meant poverty most likely increased between 2010 and 2014”. The English daily adds that “there has been a consistent attempt since 2015 to misrepresent the results” regarding poverty.

Rwanda has rejected the newspaper’s findings, as has the World Bank – at least officially, for the FT also published Tuesday for the first time an internal letter that five World Bank staff members wrote to the institution’s leaders in 2015. The authors voiced their concern over what they called “the manipulation of official statistics and failure to provide reliable data openly”.

“Recent developments point to potentially serious reputational risks for the Bank if its Rwanda operations continue in the current trajectory,” the letter said.

Source: France24

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