Category Archives: Africa

RWANDA: Kuzahura ubukungu birasaba kuva mu marangamutima , kureka icyenewabo n’itekinika.

Ndatekereza ko mu gihe tugezemo, igihugu kidakwiye kuyoborwa bigendeye ku kuraguza umutwe, cyangwa uko umuntu yaramutse. Ibyemezo bifatwa bigomba kuba biturutse ku bushakashatsi buturutse kuri facts (empirical evidence) kandi hatarimo itekinika. Ibyemezo kandi bigomba kuba bihiswemo kuko ubushashatsi bwerekanye ko aribyo birusha inyungu ibindi byemezo byose byashoboraga gufatwa. Aha hakoreshwa icyitwa “cost-benefit analysis”, ni ukuvuga kureba buri cyemezo ibyo cyadusaba ushyize mu gaciro k’amafaranga n’inyungu cyatuzanira. Iyo inyungu ariyo iri hejuru icyo cyemezo nicyo gihitwamo. Urugero: Kugereranya hagati yo gushyiraho minisiteri cyangwa gushyiraho direction muri minisiteri isanzweho. Cyangwa se gushyiraho Komisiyo y’abadepite aho guha akazi bureau d’études,… Bityo bityo.

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Congress to investigate Kagame’s spy actions against Americans with Pegasus

Last year, the world was shocked to learn that Rwandan President Paul Kagame was using Israeli spy software, Pegasus to spy on his perceived enemies. They include Americans. One American citizen he targeted is Carine Kanimba. She found out the security on her phone had been compromised when she was in Belgium advocating for her father’s release.

Kanimba said, “It was bad enough that they kidnapped my father, tortured him, and robbed him of his legal rights. Now we find out that they have listened to my conversations with the US State Department, Belgium Foreign Minister Sophie Wilmes, and our attorneys. This adds insult to injury.”

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World’s ‘most inhumane’ jail where ‘prisoners eat bodies of dead lags to survive’

Rwanda’s Gitarama prison can lay claim to the dubious honour of being the filthiest, most overcrowded and most brutal jails on Earth, even though a former governor admits it’s ‘possible’ that some of its inmates are innocent.

Gitarama Prison is considered to be one of the most hellish places on Earth.

The brutal jail on the outskirts of Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, was built in 1960 as housing for British workers. It was later converted into a jail designed to hold around 400 prisoners.

It currently holds over 7,000, and at its peak after the horrifying Rwandan genocide of the mid-1990s, was estimated to hold closer to 50,000 inmates.

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Testimony: ON THIS DAY MAY 15, 1997, IN MY HISTORY; The Fall of Mobutu Sese Seko and Kinshasa

When we arrived in Kinshasa a week before the fall of Mobutu. It was during that time that General Donatien Mahele Lieko Bokungu (aka Mayere) was killed by what is believed to be the Mobutu’s son a day before Mobutu’s overthrow. It is said that he had started negotiations with Kagame’s soldiers for a peaceful surrender of Kinshasa to the Kabila’s rebels without a fight.

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Un jour avec Denis Mukwege, Nobel de la paix contraint de vivre sous protection

Il est célèbre dans le monde entier pour son combat en faveur des femmes violées, ces corps « transformés en champs de bataille » que le gynécologue formé à Angers tente de réparer. Et obtenir, pour toutes les victimes des carnages perpétrés au Congo, justice et vérité.

Denis Mukwege, 67 ans, prix Nobel de la paix (2018), a nommé les crimes, les violences sexuelles, les monstruosités subies par les femmes en République du Congo.

Il a, le temps d’un passage à Paris, troqué sa blouse de chirurgien pour un élégant costume et reçoit chaleureusement quelques journalistes et représentants d’ONG dans un discret hôtel parisien. Denis Mukwege, 67 ans, vit en permanence sous protection depuis qu’il dénonce, avec le renfort et l’autorité de son prix Nobel de la paix décerné en 2018, les carnages incompréhensibles perpétrés en République démocratique du Congo.

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Hotel Rwanda’ hero’s family file $400m suit against gov’t

Paul Rusesabagina is serving 25 years in prison in Rwanda on terrorism charges which his supporters say are a sham.

Published On 30 Apr 2022

The family of Paul Rusesabagina, whose heroism during the 1994 Rwandan genocide was depicted in the Hollywood film Hotel Rwanda, have filed a $400m lawsuit in the US over his alleged abduction and torture by the government in Kigali.

The lawsuit names the government of Rwanda, President Paul Kagame, and other senior officials including the former justice minister and intelligence chief.

“The complaint alleges that the Government of Rwanda and high-ranking Rwandan officials conspired to facilitate and execute an elaborate plot to lure Paul Rusesabagina from his home in Texas to Rwanda, where he would be tortured and illegally detained,” the family and his lawyers said in a statement on Saturday.

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Westminster may have shunned Putin, but its continued support of autocratic leaders stinks of hypocrisy

Among other despots the government courts, Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame can match Russia’s for cold-hearted ruthlessness. So much for resistance in defence of democracy

From left to right, Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi, Egypt's president, Boris Johnson, U.K. prime minister, Paul Kagame, Rwanda's president, and Muhammadu Buhari, Nigeria's president, pose for a family photo with other leaders of African nations and U.K. politicians at the U.K. - Africa Investment Summit at the Intercontinental Hotel in London, U.K., on Monday, Jan. 20, 2020. Johnson will reinforce his vision of a global Britain trading freely outside the EU on Monday, when he hosts African leaders at an inaugural??summit. Photographer: Hollie Adams/Bloomberg via Getty Images
(L-R) Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi, Boris Johnson, Paul Kagame, and Muhammadu Buhari pose with other politicians and leaders of African countries at the UK-Africa Investment Summit in 2020. (Photo: Hollie Adams/Bloomberg via Getty)
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By Ian Birrell

i columnist

March 20, 2022 3:09 pm(Updated 3:55 pm)

This is a tale of two dictators. Both have a background in espionage, trained in the dark arts of intelligence and security. Both became president in 2000 and proved themselves masters at controlling their countries by crushing dissent, stifling democracy and stealing elections. Both imprison or kill political foes, even those who fled into other nations for sanctuary. Both silence journalists and use state-controlled media to pump out a twisted narrative to further their own rule. Both treat state assets as their own. And both invade neighbouring nations and meddle abroad with disastrous consequences for millions of innocent people.

One of them is Vladimir Putin, now firmly established as Public Enemy No 1 for the free world after his latest assault on Ukraine. The full-scale invasion and atrocities unleashed by this self-serving despot have finally shocked the complacent West into action as it witnesses his attack on a sovereign nation. His misjudgement has turned Russia into a pariah state as the West tries to throttle his economy and sends his billionaire pals scurrying into safety with their stolen assets. As the Kremlin bombs cities such as Kyiv and Kharkiv, Mariupol and Mykolaiv, one in four of the country’s citizens were displaced from their homes in just three weeks.

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Rwanda: Wave of Free Speech Prosecutions

(Nairobi) – Judicial authorities in Rwanda are prosecuting opposition members, journalists, and commentators on the basis of their speech and opinions, Human Rights Watch said today. Throughout 2020 and 2021, Human Rights Watch monitored trials in which judicial authorities pursued politically motivated prosecutions and perpetuated a culture of intolerance of dissent.

Less than two years out from the 2024 presidential election campaign season, the Rwandan government should ensure an end to violations against civil society activists, journalists, and opposition figures. The government should also protect their right to freedom of expression – a precondition to creating a conducive environment for free and fair elections.

“Judicial authorities in Rwanda, lacking the independence to stand up and protect free speech in accordance with international law, have unjustly convicted and jailed people based on their protected speech and opinions,” said Lewis Mudge, Central Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “All those jailed unjustly should be immediately and unconditionally released, and the abusive legal framework that allowed their prosecution should be reviewed and brought in line with international free speech standards.”

Since the publication of a March 2021 report on the arrests of, and threats against, several Rwandans for posts on YouTube, Human Rights Watch has monitored trials and reviewed trial documents and verdicts to examine the evidence and arguments of prosecutorial authorities, and the basis for judges’ rulings.

Researchers also reviewed content published on various channels managed by journalists and commentators on trial and interviewed 11 opposition members and people who post on YouTube. The cases documented are not exhaustive – Human Rights Watch also received information about other similar cases.

On March 3, 2022, Human Rights Watch wrote a letter to Justice Minister Emmanuel Ugirashebuja to share information about the cases it has documented and to request information on the Rwandan authorities’ steps to address violations of the right to freedom of expression. The government has not responded.

Rwanda has very few opposition parties, and human rights organizations and independent media remain weak. Victoire Ingabire, who was the president of the unregistered opposition party FDU-Inkingi before founding Dalfa-Umurinzi in November 2019, was released from prison in 2018. Members of her party have repeatedly been harassed, threatened, and arrested, or have died or disappeared in suspicious circumstances. Since October 2021, at least eight members of her party have been arrested and charged with offenses, including spreading rumors and forming a criminal association, in relation to a book they acquired and an online training session they attended to learn strategies for peaceful dissent.

Journalists using YouTube as a platform have also been targeted for prosecution for not registering with the Rwanda Media Commission (RMC) or for publishing information that contradicts the government’s version of certain events, such as the suspicious death in custody of Kizito Mihigo, a gospel singer and activist, or disappearances of government opponents.

The cases of Dieudonné Niyonsenga – alias Cyuma Hassan – and Théoneste Nsengimana, which Human Rights Watch documented, could further erode journalists’ legal protections and narrow the space for media and online speech. Niyonsenga, a high-profile YouTuber, was found guilty on appeal of forgery, impersonation, hindering public works, and “humiliation of national authorities and persons in charge of public service.” The last charge, which was added during the first appeal, is no longer a criminal offense in Rwanda. The prosecution authority announced it was lodging a “second appeal” to correct the error. Its verdict is expected on March 18. On March 9, Human Rights Watch received reports and confirmed that Ishema TV was no longer available on YouTube. At time of writing, it is unclear whether the channel was removed voluntarily.

Since 1994, speaking about crimes committed by the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) in the aftermath of the genocide, or sometimes even simply commemorating Hutu who were killed during the genocide, is perceived as crossing a red line, with the government presenting it as a threat to Rwandan unity, or the country’s security as a whole.

“When you are pro-government, you don’t have any problems. When you talk about bad things, you become persecuted, you are a genocide denier,” one YouTuber told Human Rights Watch.

Another said, “They take one word, and they create a crime for you…. Here, the problem is talking the truth. If you do, they go after you.”

The Rwandan government may have legitimate grounds to seek to restrict the kind of dangerous, vitriolic speech that led to the deaths of over half a million people in 1994, but current laws and practices go far beyond this purpose – creating fear and effectively stifling opinions, debate, and criticism of the government.

As Rwanda approaches the 30-year mark since the genocide, and the government aims to ramp up efforts to combat genocide ideology, there is a need to ensure that Rwandans can peacefully express legitimate grievances related to the genocide and post-genocide periods, Human Rights Watch said.

Article 38 of the 2015 Constitution protects freedom of expression but limits that protection by permitting ill-defined restrictions based on “public order, good morals, the protection of the youth and children, the right of every citizen to honor and dignity and protection of personal and family privacy.” The government, with the support of the judiciary, has used this clawback clause to impose restrictions on freedom of expression in ways that are incompatible with Rwanda’s regional and international obligations.

As Rwanda prepares to host the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, scheduled to take place in June, the international community should take a stand and press the authorities to stop harassing, immediately release, and drop all charges against opposition members, YouTube commentators and journalists facing abusive prosecutions that violate freedom of expression. The authorities should also open credible, independent, and transparent investigations into suspicious deaths and disappearances of critics, opposition members, civil society actors, and journalists, and prosecute those responsible.

“The evidence provided by the prosecuting authorities, and what judges have chosen to rely on to justify their conclusions, clearly demonstrates that these cases violate African and international human rights law,” Mudge said. “Prosecuting those who challenge the government of incitement to insurrection or of attempting to tarnish the country’s image is an indication of how little dissent is tolerated in Rwanda.”

For details of the recent cases, please see below.


Cases Against the Political Opposition

In October 2021, at least eight members of Victoire Ingabire’s opposition party, Dalfa-Umurinzi, were arrested in the largest crackdown against the party in recent years. Sylvain Sibomana, Alexis Rucubanganya, Hamad Hagenimana, Jean-Claude Ndayishimiye, Alphonse Mutabazi, Marcel Nahimana, and Emmanuel Masengesho were all detained in the days leading up to and following “Ingabire day,” scheduled for October 14.

On that day, Ingabire was planning to speak about political repression in Rwanda, cases of suspicious deaths, killings, disappearances, and abusive prosecutions. Théoneste Nsengimana, a journalist who was planning to cover the event, was arrested on October 13 and is being tried with the group of seven.

Criminal charges of “spreading false information or harmful propaganda with intent to cause a hostile international opinion against Rwandan government” and “formation of or joining a criminal association” were brought against Sibomana, Rucubanganya, Hagenimana, Ndayishimiye, Mutabazi, Nahimana, and Masengesho. On November 9, during a pretrial hearing, the Kicukiro court said it is also considering evidence to support other, undetermined charges against them. The prosecution contended that the defendants were also responsible for inciting insurrection.

Claudine Uwimana, a party member who was arrested on December 14 in Rutsiro, is being tried separately. She is charged with spreading false information, publishing rumors, forming a criminal association, and inciting insurrection, and has been denied bail.

The arrests send a clear message to those who may wish to mobilize, organize, or campaign on a political platform in the lead-up to the elections that efforts to peacefully change the power structures in place can be considered a criminal offense, Human Rights Watch said.

In both cases, the prosecution based its accusations on the group’s decision to acquire “Blueprint for Revolution,” a book written by Srdja Popovic, and to follow a training organized by the author’s organization, Canvas – the Center for Applied Non-Violent Actions and Strategies. Both the book and the training focus on peaceful strategies to resist authoritarianism, such as nonviolent protest, noncooperation, boycott, and mobilization. The prosecution used as evidence the contents of the book and training, the use of Jitsi – an encrypted online communication platform – and the use of pseudonyms during the training.

The prosecution also accused the group of planning activities such as mobilizing, among others, street vendors and others who are routinely rounded up and subjected to abuse, and a commemoration of political activists and critics who have died, disappeared, or been jailed, on “Ingabire Day,” based on the strategies proposed during the training.

Social protest and mobilization offer people the opportunity to peacefully communicate legitimate complaints and grievances. Governments have a responsibility to create a safe and enabling environment for individuals and groups to exercise their rights to freedom of peaceful assembly, of expression, and of association.

Journalists Under Threat

Dieudonné Niyonsenga

Dieudonné Niyonsenga, also known as “Cyuma Hassan,” runs Ishema TV, a popular YouTube channel on which he has published his sensitive and critical reports. Ishema TV has millions of views, and Niyonsenga is one of the most popular YouTube contributors in Rwanda.

In April 2020, police arrested Niyonsenga and his driver, Fidèle Komezusenge, as they were reporting on the impact of the Covid-19 guidelines on vulnerable populations in a poor neighborhood of Kigali. Niyonsenga and Komezusenge were accused of forgery, impersonating journalists, and hindering public works for being outside during lockdown without a valid RMC-issued press card. Both spent almost a year in detention, but then were acquitted on March 12, 2021. After his release, Niyonsenga gave several interviews on YouTube describing his treatment in detention. In one, he said:

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Foreign Secretary Liz Truss is urged to block the appointment of Rwanda’s top diplomat in London over the kidnap and detention of the country’s most famous human rights activist

  • Liz Truss is being urged by MPs to block the appointment of Johnston Busingye
  • They are calling for sanctions to stop him being Rwanda’s high commissioner
  • Mr Busingye was demoted in September by Rwandan President Paul Kagame
  • He said government chartered a flight that led to Paul Rusesabagina’s seizure

Foreign Secretary Liz Truss is being urged to block the appointment of Rwanda’s top diplomat in London over his central role in the kidnap and detention of the country’s most famous human rights activist.

Senior MPs from both main parties are calling on Ms Truss to impose urgent sanctions on Johnston Busingye, Rwanda’s former justice secretary, to prevent his instalment as the central African regime’s next high commissioner.

Mr Busingye was demoted by Rwandan President Paul Kagame after admitting that their government chartered a flight that led to the seizure of Paul Rusesabagina, the real-life hero of the film Hotel Rwanda who saved more than 1,200 lives in the 1994 genocide.

Mr Rusesabagina – a critic of the dictatorship – was duped into flying to Rwanda after boarding a private jet in Dubai he thought was flying to a neighbouring country. The 67-year-old was jailed for ‘terrorism’ in September.

Senior MPs are calling on Liz Truss to impose sanctions on Johnston Busingye (pictured), Rwanda's ex-justice secretary, to stop his instalment as the country's next high commissioner+2

Senior MPs are calling on Liz Truss to impose sanctions on Johnston Busingye (pictured), Rwanda’s ex-justice secretary, to stop his instalment as the country’s next high commissioner

Last week, Mr Busingye was named in Parliament by former Tory leader Sir Iain Duncan Smith alongside Chinese Communist bosses involved in crimes against humanity, Iranian torturers and Sudanese militia leaders in a debate on sanctions.

Mr Duncan Smith queried why Mr Kagame was proposing to send ‘that abusive individual’ to represent his nation. ‘Do they think the UK is a soft touch?’ he asked.

‘This man should be sanctioned, not sent as their bloody ambassador,’ he told The Mail on Sunday. 

‘It is a disgrace that the Government has not yet made it clear we will reject his credentials. We must make a very strong statement.’

Labour’s Chris Bryant said it was ‘inconceivable’ that Ministers might accept the appointment. ‘Instead of sending a coach to take him to Buckingham Palace to meet the Queen, they should bar him from entering the country.’

The MPs are co-chairmen of the All-Party Group on Magnitsky Sanctions, which aims to target those responsible for corruption or human rights violations.

Bill Browder, the financier who pushed for such laws around the world after his lawyer Sergei Magnitsky was murdered in Russia, said Rusesabagina was a hero, adding: ‘His only real crime was to be critical of Kagame.’

Mr Rusesabagina was manager of Hotel des Mille Collines in Kigali when he saved the lives of 1,268 people who sought sanctuary there amid the horrors of the genocide.

Fearing for his safety, he later fled to the US where he received the Presidential Medal of Freedom. 

A fierce critic of Mr Kagame, he co-founded the Rwandan Movement for Democratic Change, a coalition of opposition groups.

The Rwandan regime, which has a history of smearing its enemies, accused him of being ‘the founder, leader, sponsor and member of violent, armed, extremist terror outfits’. 

He denied all charges.

Human rights groups condemned his unlawful seizure and criticised the trial as a charade. Rusesabagina was sentenced in September to 25 years in prison.

Mr Busingye’s admission of his government’s role came after a video was inadvertently sent to al-Jazeera. It showed him being coached for an interview with the broadcaster by Chelgate, a London specialist in ‘reputation management’. 

In the footage, he admitted prison authorities intercepted confidential correspondence between Mr Rusesabagina and his lawyers, which he denied in the interview.

In a second interview, he confirmed the regime paid for the plane that took Mr Rusesabagina to Kigali and for the individual who tricked him on to the plane.

‘This man oversaw the kidnapping and torture of my father,’ said his daughter Carine Kanimba. 

‘He should be disqualified from a role that requires the holder to be a person of integrity.’

The Foreign Office, which can veto ambassadors and high commissioners, declined to comment, and the Rwandan government did not respond to a request for comment last night.

Source: Daily Mail

Intra-Rwandan dialogue is crucial for peace in the Great Lakes

The conflicts in the Great Lakes region cannot be fully resolved until Rwanda addresses its internal political problems.

Since Rwanda gained its independence in 1962, the country has experienced successive regimes that have stayed in power by any means possible, refusing to implement good governance reforms. The repercussions have been massacres and human rights violations, culminating in the Tutsi’s genocide of 1994.

After the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) took power in 1994, it held national consultations – referred to as Urugwiro Village meetings – to discuss how Rwanda could solve its issues of national unity, democracy, justice, economy and security. The outcomes of these consultations have been the guiding philosophies of the governance implemented by the RPF over the past two decades.

Nonetheless, the way Rwanda’s governance and relationship with its neighbouring countries in the Great Lakes region have evolved over time is a concern. Today there are pressing issues that necessitate holding another intra-Rwandan dialogue between the Rwandan government and dissenting voices and civil society organisations operating in and outside the country to revamp its governance strategy so that long-term stability at home and in the Great Lakes region is guaranteed.

The consensus democracy that aimed to prevent further ethnic violence while accelerating development agreed on during the Urugwiro Village meetings has transformed over time into a political system that suppresses political dissent, restricts pluralism and curbs civil liberty in Rwanda.

In many instances the government has abused its power, collaborating with the judicial system to criminalise its critics under the silent watch of the legislature. These practices, along with widespread human rights abuses, point to the fact that the prospect for full democracy in Rwanda remains rather bleak today.

The mechanisms to promote unity and reconciliation among Rwandans adopted by the national consultation of 1999 were commendable. However, the lack of public and official remembrance of the victims of war crimes committed in Rwanda before, during, and after the genocide against the Tutsis are creating conflicting views among citizens today. This creates social grievances and weakens trust and cooperation among Rwandans.

The development programme put forward during the national consultation of 1999 that aimed to transform Rwanda into a middle-income state driven by building a knowledge-based economy by 2020, has also not delivered on many of its promises. Rwanda remains a low-income state in spite of the abundant financial support that the government has received from development partners. As a result, the goal of turning Rwanda into a middle-income country had to be postponed to 2035.

Over the 20 years since the Urugwiro Village meetings took place, the political scenery in Rwanda has transformed as well. It is no longer limited to the opposition affiliated with the ruling party, but also includes a diverse group of dissenting politicians and activists. Although critics are often marginalised by the government and their voices stifled, they are increasingly being heard across Rwanda and beyond.

The government needs to start taking into consideration the criticism that is coming out of these political quarters. After all, it is the lack of an inclusive political process that hindered good governance and led to conflict in Rwanda in the 1990s.

Some Rwandans have already taken to armed struggle, which has increasingly worried the government and exacerbated relations with Rwanda’s neighbours. The United Nations has issued a number of reports alleging the Rwandan government is involved in the conflict in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), where it is trying to stem insurgencies it perceives as threatening. Officials in Kigali have repeatedly denied these accusations.

Political tensions between Rwanda and Burundi and Uganda have also worsened in recent years over allegations that these two countries are supporting opposition figures who also want to topple the Rwandan leadership by force. This has led to the closure of borders, which has had a negative economic impact on the country.

To address all these challenges, a new intra-Rwandan dialogue is absolutely necessary today. Such a forum could come up with important reforms that can help improve governance. This would enable Rwanda to secure long-term stability and eventually contribute to conflict resolution in the Great Lakes region.

This dialogue would be aligned with the UN strategy for peace consolidation, conflict prevention and resolution in the Great Lakes region adopted in October 2020. The strategy affirms that effective and sustained dialogue among citizens is key to fostering trust, addressing underlying grievances and facilitating actions for peace, stability and prosperity.

Fortunately for Rwanda, a constant quest for solutions through dialogue is one of the fundamental principles in its constitution. In June 2021, we submitted to the Rwandan government a roadmap for a promising future, requesting the proposed dialogue to be organised before Rwanda’s presidential election in 2024.

For more than a decade, the international community has tried to find a solution to the persistent instability in the Great Lakes region. I have always argued that without solving Rwanda’s internal political problem, it will be impossible to bring about stability in that region.

It is therefore timely and appropriate that regional and international stakeholders support the realisation of the proposed intra-Rwandan dialogue for governance reforms in Rwanda and peace consolidation in the Great Lakes region.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.


Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza
Rwandan political figure Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza is Rwandan political figure. In 2010 Victoire returned to Rwanda from exile in The Netherlands to run for presidential candidate but was arrested and sentenced to 15 years in prison by the Rwandan Supreme court in a politically motivated judicial proceeding. Her appeal to the African court on Human and People’s rights cleared her and held that Rwanda violated her rights to freedom of expression as well as to adequate defence. Victoire was released in 2018 by presidential grace after eight years of imprisonment, five of which she spent in isolated confinement. She has founded and is chairing Development and Liberty for All (DALFA-Umurinzi) political party. Her party is yet to be registered in Rwanda. It aims to strive for the rule of law and sustainable development that benefits every Rwandan.