Category Archives: Economic Development

Shirt of shame: Britain dishes out £62million in foreign aid to Rwandan dictator who splurges £30million on sponsorship for his beloved Arsenal FC

  • Rwanda is getting £62 million this year alone from the UK in foreign aid
  • Dictator Paul Kagame spent £30 million sponsoring his favourite club Arsenal
  • People survive on less than £1 a day under Kagame’s tightly controlled regime
  • Tory MP Andrew Bridgen described the deal as ‘an own goal for foreign aid’ 

An impoverished African country which has received hundreds of millions of pounds in aid from British taxpayers is paying £30 million to sponsor Arsenal – one of the world’s richest football clubs.

Rwanda, which is getting £62 million this year alone from the UK, has paid the Premier League club to promote the country’s tourist industry on players’ shirts.

The astonishing deal will also give Rwanda’s despotic ruler Paul Kagame and his cronies the use of an exclusive hospitality box at the London club’s Emirates Stadium, piles of match-day tickets and access to star players for promotional work.

Last night, furious critics of the UK’s £13 billion-a-year foreign aid programme said the deal proves that British taxpayer cash is being flagrantly wasted.

Former Arsenal captain Tony Adams presents a jersey to Ruwandan dictator Paul Kagame in 2014 as she spends £30 in UK aid to sponsor the team

Former Arsenal captain Tony Adams presents a jersey to Ruwandan dictator Paul Kagame in 2014 as she spends £30 in UK aid to sponsor the team

Last year, Britain gave £27 million directly to the Rwandan government for poverty relief and spent a further £37 million on aid projects in the country.

But despite the vast amounts of cash being given by the UK and other countries, hospitals, schools, businesses and homes are without electricity much of the time.

Most people survive on less than £1 a day under Kagame’s tightly controlled authoritarian regime.

Meanwhile, teachers in some parts of Rwanda have not been paid for five months.

Instead, Kagame, who has been accused of murdering and torturing his opponents, funds ‘prestige’ projects such as running an airline which loses £750,000 a week.

The message ‘Visit Rwanda’ will be emblazoned on Arsenal players’ left sleeves and on pitch-side screens, at an annual cost of £10 million for the next three years.

Tory MP Andrew Bridgen described the deal as ‘an own goal for foreign aid’. ‘This is absolutely astonishing,’ he added.

‘British taxpayers will be rightly shocked to learn that a country supported by huge handouts from the UK is in turn pumping millions into a fabulously rich football club in London. It’s ludicrous.

‘If this isn’t a perfect own goal for foreign aid, I don’t know what is. It serves to expose the complete idiocy this system is based on.’

London-based Rwandan human rights campaigner Rene Mugenzi, whose life is under threat from Kagame’s hitmen, said: ‘It is hard to believe that Arsenal really conducted due diligence on this obscene deal, and they should scrap it.

‘How can a country which receives tens of millions of UK aid start spending money on a football club in London, just because the president supports them?

‘Britain should stop giving money to Rwanda because it just frees up their government to spend money on crazy things like this.’

Earlier this year, International Development Secretary Penny Mordaunt pledged that the British Government would no longer invest ‘when others should be putting their hands in their pockets’, adding that the public had ‘legitimate’ concerns over how the UK’s £13 billion aid budget was spent.

A Department for International Development spokesman said: ‘All UK aid to Rwanda is earmarked for specific programmes, such as education and agriculture.

We track results to ensure value for money for UK taxpayers. We are helping Rwanda to stand on its own two feet.’

An Arsenal spokesman said: ‘Rwanda… is now regarded as one of the most advanced and respected countries in Africa.

‘We believe that, having conducted due diligence, it is a partnership that will help Rwanda meet their tourism goals while developing football in the country.’

The Rwandan Development Board declined to comment to The Mail on Sunday, but its CEO, Clare Akamanzi, said last week: ‘We’re thrilled to be partnering with Arsenal and showcasing the vibrancy and beauty of our country.’

Source: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-5775867/Ruwandan-dictator-spends-30-million-UK-aid-sponsoring-Arsenal-FC.html

RIP Kagame’s 2020 Vision – The New Lie That Rwanda Will Become A Middle Income Nation By 2035 Will End The Same Way

RIP2020May Paul Kagame’s Vision 2020 Rest In Peace. It was recently pronounced dead. I repeat — Kagame’s fantasy of turning Rwanda into a middle-income country of per capita income by 2020 is no more.

Why do I say that?

What is my evidence?

I invite you to read the January 2018 Review of Rwanda’s economy by the International Monetary (IMF) titled “Rwanda: Eighth Review Under the Policy Support Instrument and Request for Extension, and Third Review Under the Standby Credit Facility-Press Release; Staff Report; and Statement by the Executive Director for Rwanda.

Such reviews are undertaken annually by the IMF staff following discussions with country officials — in this case, Rwandan officials. The discussions and the review focus on economic developments and policies financially supported by the IMF.

The IMF’s January 2018 review of Rwanda is something of a bombshell — it categorically tells us the following Rwandan economic realities:

“After a slowdown in 2016 and early 2017, growth has started to recover, led by agriculture and services…Despite these achievements, the Rwandan economy remains vulnerable to external shocks and fiscal risks…Building on its notable progress toward development objectives, the [Rwandan] authorities are crafting a revised medium term development strategy with the goal of achieving middle income status by 2035.”

Dear General Paul Kagame, stop lying to the people of Rwanda that you are capable of changing their social-economic conditions. Assuming that you manage to cling to power for 17 more years up to 2035, Rwanda under you will remain poor. What you failed to achieve between 2000 and 2018, you won’t achieve from 2019 to 2035.

The reason is simple. You cannot possibly change who you are — a dictator living like a king. A totalitarian ruler, leading a political party that has accumulated US$500 million wealth. A ruler whose priority is to make the capital city look impressive on the surface without a sewage system. A powerful dictator without real power — as in electricity. How can a country of 12 million advance with 200 megawatts of electricity? That can’t even power a single steel mill or a data center. Young people who graduate from your shambolic higher education cannot fix anything.

For these reasons, you are an autocrat under whose watch millions of your countrymen and women will remain trapped in subsistence agriculture.

David HIMBARA

Rwanda’s Forever President

kagame-fpr-bureau-politiqueANTWERP, Belgium — There is an election in Rwanda on Friday, but its outcome already is nearly certain: President Paul Kagame will win a third seven-year term. Elections there are not a contest for power. They are the ritual confirmation of the power in place.

Mr. Kagame generally wins by margins that would make a dictator proud: In 2010, he scored some 93 percent of the vote. He is the only ruler most Rwandans born since the 1994 genocide know. The Rwandans who remember leaders before him have reason to wonder if they will ever see another: The state’s mighty security apparatus is quietly eloquent, with all those soldiers and police officers routinely patrolling both city streets and the countryside.

Mr. Kagame is up against two innocuous candidates after the national election commission disqualified Diane Rwigara, his strongest opponent, and two other independent contenders. The opposition leader Victoire Ingabire, who was placed under house arrest in the lead-up to the 2010 election, is now in jail serving a dubious 15-year sentence for threatening state security, among other things. Journalists have also been intimidated and stifled; Freedom House categorizes Rwanda as “not free.”

Mr. Kagame wasn’t supposed to run this time because he would be coming up against the two-term limit set by the Constitution. But in 2015 the government proposed an amendment and had it sanctioned in a referendum (roundly criticized by human rights groups), opening the way for Mr. Kagame to stand for re-election this year — and again until 2034.

Burundi was condemned internationally in 2015 after President Pierre Nkurunziza flouted term limits to run for a third mandate. Last year, President Joseph Kabila of the Democratic Republic of Congo skirted term restrictions by simply delaying the next election, triggering protests and then a crackdown that led to sanctions against his government. Yet nothing of the sort has happened to Mr. Kagame or his administration despite its ploys to keep him in power basically unchallenged.

Why? Because Mr. Kagame has been masterful at deflecting criticism of his illiberalism by pointing to Rwanda’s economic performance. The country is touted as a model: The government claims that the economy grew by an average of about 8 percent a year between 2001 and 2014, and that the rate of poverty dropped from nearly 57 percent in 2006 to less than 40 percent in 2014. Neither Mr. Nkurunziza nor Mr. Kabila could proffer such results.

Mr. Kagame’s supporters, in Rwanda and beyond, sing to his tune. In a way, they have to. Western donors and international organizations may well prefer democratic values to big-man politics. But having poured great sums of money into Rwanda since the 1994 genocide, they want to be impressed by the headway Mr. Kagame claims to have made — on economic growth and poverty reduction, but also maternal health care and the prosecution of suspected mass killers. Asia has tigers; now Africa has found its lion. Many want to believe that while Mr. Kagame may have been cutting corners on democracy, he has delivered on development.

Has he, though?

In fact, his government’s record is shakier than it looks, including on some of the major achievements it is credited with.

Consider poverty reduction. Back in 2005, I was stationed in Rwanda with a World Bank team, working on a large-scale study of poverty. Six months into it, after we had collected hundreds of survey questionnaires about the well-being of ordinary Rwandans and conducted hundreds of discussions with villagers, the Rwandan security forces seized half of our files on the pretext that our research’s design was tainted by “genocide ideology” — a vague notion supposedly something like sectarianism that the government often invokes to criminalize what it sees as challenges to its authority. After lengthy negotiations between World Bank and Rwandan officials, the project was abandoned. We never determined what the poverty trends were: The information we had collected was destroyed before it could be analyzed.

Matters have hardly improved. Major studies can only be carried out by the Rwandan authorities or under their close supervision. Independent researchers have come to question the government’s methodology for analyzing data.

Officially, the poverty rate decreased by nearly 6 percentage points between 2011 and 2014. But Filip Reyntjens, a Rwanda expert at the University of Antwerp, has argued that it might actually have increased by about 6 percentage points during that period. Several articles published by the Review of African Political Economy also challenge Rwanda’s official poverty figures, as well as its G.D.P. growth rates.

I’m of the view that expanding individual freedoms is essential, not incidental, to a country’s long-term development. As Angus Deaton, a Nobel laureate in economics, said to a Rwandan minister in 2015, “improvements in public health can never be truly secure in nondemocratic states.” But I concede that Rwanda has made remarkable economic progress since facing near-total destruction in 1994, and that some think it is still worth debating the merits of trade-offs between democracy and development.

Whatever one thinks of these issues, however, everyone should be concerned that the Kagame government has been fudging, hiding or selectively presenting the raw facts of its economic record. Rwanda may be forgoing democracy for development only to wind up with no democracy and far less development than many think.

Faking it: The Rwandan GDP Growth Myth

This is a follow up to the blog-post, which was published on roape.net on 31 May, 2017, in which we showed that poverty increased by between 5 and 7 percentage points between 2010 and 2014 in Rwanda, even as the government claims it decreased by 6 percentage points. The blogpost concluded that the information emerging from the household survey data appeared to be incompatible with the official figures on economic growth, and invited researchers to more closely scrutinize the data coming out of the National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda (NISR). Indeed, with agriculture accounting for more than one third of GDP and two thirds of the workforce, it is difficult to imagine a scenario in which total GDP growth could average between 6% and 8% annual growth, while incomes in the agricultural sector appear to be decreasing for a substantial proportion of farmers. This blogpost tries to substantiate those claims using the NISR’s Integrated Household Living Conditions Survey (EICV) data as well as looking at more recent trends in relevant macroeconomic variables.

According to economic theory, GDP per capita measured from National Account Statistics (NAS) should be equivalent to average income or consumption measured from Household Surveys (HHS). In practice, this is rarely the case because of measurement errors. For instance, households tend to deliberately under-report earnings, while NAS have trouble capturing illicit and informal economic activity (read Ken Simler’s 2008 paper on this theme). Even when there are differences in levels of income estimated by the two methods, however, Martin Ravallion (2003) concludes that, “NAS consumption growth rate is an unbiased predictor of the HHS consumption growth rate.” Furthermore, he finds that NAS/HHS estimates should converge over time as the economy develops and becomes more formalized.[1]

In figure 1 below, we show the evolution of average household consumption between 2000 and 2013 in Rwanda, as estimated from the EICV datasets and nominal GDP per capita in local currency units, as reported in the World Bank’s World Development Indicators databank. [2] As the graph shows, estimates of average income/consumption from the EICV and national accounts were almost identical in 2000 and 2005, and started to grow apart thereafter. By 2013, the national account estimate was more than 50% higher than the average consumption estimated from the EICV. This does not constitute incontrovertible proof that GDP growth rates have been over-estimated in Rwanda, since there are different factors listed above that could explain such discrepancies. But it does strongly suggest that something is amiss in Rwanda’s GDP growth figures. At the very least, it does raise serious questions about the reliability of national account statistics, which the government and donors rely on to claim the success of their policies. As mentioned in our previous blogpost, GDP figures are easier to manipulate than household survey data, as the Greek case famously showed a few years back.

Figure 1: GDP per capita vs. Average EICV consumption

Source: EICV1-4, World Bank WDI

Even if we were to conclude that growth data have not been manipulated in the past, there are reasons to be concerned about the current performance of the Rwandan economy. The most recent growth data coming out of Rwanda shows that economic growth slowed to its lowest level since 2002 (1.7%) in the first quarter of 2017. With a population growth rate of 3% per year, this means that Rwanda’s GDP per capita growth rate is now effectively negative, even according to the NISR’s own estimates (see figure 2 below).

Figure 2: GDP Annual Growth Rate

Source: tradingeconomics.com

This should come as no surprise to those who have paid attention to the facts behind the dazzling numbers that Rwanda and its donors like to boast about. While there has been undeniable progress since the war, much of the improvements we see in Kigali today are cosmetic and driven by the government’s obsession to portray an image of success rather than to lay the foundations of lasting economic growth. As we mentioned in the previous blogpost, much of the investments have been financed with public debt, leading to a surge in external debt levels (see figure 3 – remember that actual debt to GDP ratios may be even higher, if GDP has been overestimated as our analysis suggests).

Figure 3: Debt to GDP

Source: tradingeconomics.com

This would all be fine, if the investments had been strategically targeted at growth areas aimed at leapfrogging development Korean style. But to date, the vast majority of investments have gone into cosmetic – and crucially loss-making – prestige projects, such as the Kigali Convention Centre, Rwanda Air, Kigali skyscrapers and luxury housing units for the non-existent Rwandan upper-middle class. Even if these investments were not making a loss, this would arguably be a questionable use of public resources, since they are all highly regressive and aimed at subsidizing the super-rich or foreign clients.  Rather than enabling economic development, these projects cost the Rwandan taxpayer dearly in running costs and take away precious resources from more pressing areas of development, such as the agricultural sector. The result of these irresponsible investments is beginning to  be felt. For the first time in recent years, capital account flows to Rwanda were negative by a large margin in 2016, indicating that investors may be starting to put their assets abroad (see figure 4 below).

Figure 4: Capital Flows

Source: tradingeconomics.com

At the same time, Rwanda’s current account deficit reached a whopping 16.6% of GDP, even as the government put in place draconian measures to restrict imports (see figure 5)

Figure 5: Current Account

Source: tradingeconomics.com

With such economic fundamentals, it is not surprising that the value of the Rwandan franc has almost been halved in the past few years (see figure 6 below):

Figure 6: Rwf/ USD exchange rate

Source: tradingeconomics.com

The situation is likely to get worse, not better, over the coming years as even larger prestige projects come online and existing ones start accumulating more losses. The East African reported on 3 July that “Rwanda’s foreign reserves are expected to fall below the East African Community’s convergence criterion of four months [of imports] in the coming year” and may fall below IMF’s critical threshold of three months of imports.

The conclusion of this brief analysis is that if there ever was a Rwandan economic miracle it has probably fizzled out some time ago and is likely to come crashing down very soon. At the very least, the data shows that the development strategy adopted by the Rwandan government is risky in the extreme, bordering on reckless. The closest example we can find in recent history of similar policies is Mobutu’s Zaire that squandered the country’s resources on space projects, nuclear power plants and a Concord airplane. As outlandish as they seem today, these projects also helped to give Mobutu an image of success up until the 1970s (remember the Rumble in the Jungle?) But Rwanda’s PR machine has even surpassed Mobutu’s, having managed to keep the narrative of success going for all these years even as evidence to the contrary has been in plain sight, or just below the surface waiting to be scratched. Even today, there is not a single article in the press (even the critical ones) that does not mention Rwanda’s alleged economic success, and its low levels of corruption – forgetting to mention that close associates of Kagame appeared in the Panama Papers last year and a transparency international coordinator was assassinated.

The authors of this article have asked for anonymity. 

Featured Photograph: Kigali Convention Centre dome (2014)

Notes

[1] Ravallion, M. 2003. “Measuring Aggregate Welfare in Developing Countries: How Well do National Accounts and Surveys Agree?” Review of Economics and Statistics 85(3): 645–652

[2] The do-files required to estimate average household consumption are the same ones that were published in the previous blogpost. Once the do-file has run its course, you simply need to run the following command to obtain average household consumption: svy: mean adtot. For EICV2 use this do-file (click here to download the file). For EICV1, we used the figures in Table 2, page 13 in: McKay, A. (2015). The recent evolution of consumption poverty in Rwanda (No. 2015/125). WIDER Working Paper.

Source: A Review Of African Political Economy (ROAPE)

The Evidence Mounts: Poverty, Inflation and Rwanda

By Sam Desiere

In a recent blogpost an anonymous researcher on roape.net showed that poverty in Rwanda has increased from 2011 to 2014 by 5 percentage points. This contradicts the official poverty statistics and narrative, which claim that poverty decreased by 5.8 percentage points, namely from 44.9% in 2011 to 39.1% in 2014 (NISR, 2015). Importantly, the author published the Stata-files used to analyse the data of the EICV 3 and EICV 4 household surveys, enabling other researchers to verify his claims.

Recently, I also calculated trends in poverty using the same datasets. Although I used a slightly different (and, arguably, less sophisticated) methodology, the results confirm that poverty did not decrease. In addition, I show that the poverty trends are very sensitive to the inflation rate used. With an inflation of 16.7% (as reported by the National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda, NISR), poverty indeed decreased by at least 5 percentage points. With an inflation rate of 30% – which is in my view more in line with the ‘real’ inflation rate – my estimates show that poverty increased by 1.2 percentage points.

The fact that two researchers arrive – independently from each other – at the same conclusion, strengthens my belief that the EICV surveys show that poverty in Rwanda has increased. This has important implications for the current debate about (rural) policies in Rwanda, but I leave a discussion of these implications to researchers and policy makers more familiar with the reality on the ground and focus in this blogpost on the technical aspects of estimating poverty trends.

In this this post, I briefly describe my methodology and key findings and discuss (food) price inflation, which turns out to be a critical parameter. The Stata do-files required to replicate my findings can be found here.

Methodology

Rwanda’s poverty estimates are based on the Integrated Household Living Conditions Survey (EICV by their French acronym), which are conducted every three years. I used data from EICV 3, conducted in 2010/11 and EICV 4, conducted in 2013/14, which are made publicly available by the NISR. More specifically, I used the modules on food consumption purchased on the market and food consumption from own production. In both waves, the questionnaire of both modules is nearly identical. Food consumption is reported for more than 100 food items.

Unlike the anonymous researcher, I did not use the modules on non-food expenditure. I did so for two reasons. First, the NISR reports that most households spend over 60% of their budget on food. Hence, food expenditure is a good proxy of poverty. Second, non-food expenditure would require some additional data cleaning, which requires additional assumptions. Hence, I simply calculated food expenditure in both waves.

The meta-data of EICV 4 (available on NISR’s website) clearly stipulates that each sampled household in Kigali was visited 11 times over a period of 33 days. The modules on food consumption were administered during every visit. Rural households were visited 8 times over a period of 16 days. The meta-data of EICV 3, however, does not provide information on the number of times a household was visited. I simply assumed that the same methodology, for both rural and urban households, was followed in wave 3 as in wave 4. If this assumption is wrong – something I could not check – the results presented below will be erroneous.

In both waves, households reported how much they had spent on food purchased on the market by food item since the previous visit of the enumerator. I simply added up expenditure on all food items. Households also reported how much they had consumed from own production. Converting the consumption from own production in monetary values was more challenging. Households typically reported consumption from own production in kg. Some households also reported in the same module how much they would have paid on the market for this food item. I used this information to calculate the median, national price for each food item and used this price to convert consumption from own production in its monetary value. Since relatively few households reported prices, I did not attempt to calculate region specific prices nor did I correct for price seasonality. On this point my methodology differs from the anonymous researcher, who calculated a Laspeyres price index to account for spatial and temporal price variation.

To verify my assumptions, I checked whether my estimates of food expenditure are correlated with the household poverty status as reported by the NISR and included as a separate variable in the datasets. In both waves, food expenditure was lower for households classified by the NISR as extremely poor compared to household classified as poor, and the expenditure of this group was in turn lower than the expenditure of non-poor households. These results, available upon request, confirm that my assumptions are at least partially similar to the assumptions of the NISR.

Food expenditure can only be compared between the waves if the food inflation rate between 2010/11 and 2013/14 is known. I used two different inflation rates. First, I used an inflation rate of 16.7%, which is reported by the NISR (NISR, 2016, p. 43). Second, I estimated inflation based on food prices reported by the respondents, which I also used to convert food consumption from own production in monetary values. Inflation is then defined as a weighted average of the price increase of nine important crops. I used the same weights as those used by NISR to construct the 2013/14 adjusted food poverty line (NISR, 2015, table B4, p. 38). These estimates of inflation will be discussed in greater detail below.

Since I did not calculate total expenditure, but only food expenditure, I could not use the poverty lines proposed by the NISR. I therefore followed the ‘inverse’ methodology. First, I assumed that the NISR correctly estimated poverty in 2010/11 (44.9%) and used this information to determine the food expenditure threshold in 2010/11 prices that corresponds with this poverty rate. Second, I deflated food expenditure in 2013/14 using two different inflation rates, namely 16.7% and 30%. The first inflation rate corresponds with the inflation rate used by the NISR and thus allows me to replicate the findings of the NISR. The second inflation rate corresponds with my own estimate of inflation using the price data from EICV 3 and EICV 4. Third, I used the food expenditure threshold as an alternative to a poverty line to estimate the poverty rate in 2013/14. This approach is valid because I am not interested in ‘absolute’ poverty figures, but only in poverty trends.

In all analyses, I used the population weights to make the results nationally representative.

Results

Poverty trends

Using the EICV 3 and EICV 4 datasets, I calculated food expenditure per adult equivalent, respectively in 2010/11 prices and 2013/2014 prices. In order to estimate poverty trends, food expenditure in 2013/14 has to be deflated to express it 2010/11 prices. Poverty trends are very sensitive to the inflation rate used to deflate food expenditure. Results are presented for two inflation rates: (1) an inflation rate of 16.7% as reported by NISR and (2) an inflation rate of 30%, which is at the lower end of my inflation estimates based on ESOKO price data or EICV price data (see below for a discussion of inflation).

Figure 1 shows cumulative frequency distributions of food expenditure for these two situations, while table 1 summarizes poverty trends

With an inflation rate of 16.7% (left panel, figure 1), real food expenditure per adult equivalent increased for all households from 2010/11 to 2013/14 and, as a result, poverty decreased. Assuming a poverty rate of 44.9% in 2010/11 (which corresponds to a food poverty line of 100,232 RWF per adult equivalent), poverty decreased by 7.9 percentage points. This poverty reduction is even more pronounced than reported by official statistics, which states than poverty decreased by 5.8 percentage points.

With an inflation rate of 30% (right panel, figure 1), food expenditure does no longer increase between 2011 and 2014 for all households. Again assuming that poverty is 44.9% in 2010/11, poverty even increased by 1.2 percentage points.

Figure 1: Cumulative distribution of food expenditure per adult equivalent for EICV 3 and EICV 4 for an inflation rate of 16.7% and 30%

Table 1: Poverty trends in function of the inflation rate

  Inflation: 16.7% Inflation: 30%
Poor HH EICV 3 (official statistics) 44.9% 44.9%
Poor HH EICV 4 (own estimates) 37.4% 46.1%
Trends in poverty (percentage points) -7.5 +1.2

In sum, the poverty trends are very sensitive to the inflation rate. With an inflation of 16.7% from 2011-2014, poverty decreased by at least 5 percentage points, which is in line with the official reports. With an inflation rate of 30%, poverty does not decrease. The question thus boils down to an accurate estimation of the inflation rate between 2011 and 2014.

Inflation rate

The EICV survey is not an ideal dataset to estimate inflation, because it does not contain much information on food prices. As explained earlier, some households report prices for those food items consumed from own production. This does not only mean that the number of observations is relatively limited, but also that households report prices of those items they did not buy on the market. I nevertheless used this information to calculate mean and median average prices by food item. I calculated national averages without taking into account price seasonality or regional price differences. In order to estimate ‘average’ inflation, a weighted average is taken over nine crops. The weights are proportional to the weights used for the construction of the 2013/14 adjusted food poverty line (NISR, 2015, table B4, p. 38). These nine crops account for 86% of the total calorific intake of the food basket. Two crops dominate this index: cassava (fermented) (weight: 38%) and dry beans (weight: 25%).

Figure 2 shows the increase in mean and median prices between 2010/11 and 2013/14 for nine crops, while the horizontal lines indicate the weighted average. The increase in median prices ranges from 10% for sorghum to 50% for cassava (both flour and roots). Median and mean inflation are 33% and 42%, respectively. This corresponds to an annual inflation of 9.5% and 12.5%, respectively.

Figure 2: Price increase for nine crops from 2010/11 to 3013/14 (mean and median prices)

 

These inflation estimates are substantially higher than the ones reported by NISR, which states that food prices increased by 16.7% between Jan 2011 and Jan 2014 (NISR, 2016, p. 43). Moreover, the estimates based on the EICV surveys are remarkably similar to the estimates based on detailed ESOKO price data, where I estimated inflation at 30.5% over the 2011-2014 period (details not reported here).

In sum, I believe that the ‘real’ food inflation rate is substantially higher than the one used by NISR to estimate poverty trends. This probably explains why I find that poverty increased, while the NISR reported that poverty decreased. These findings raise concerns, not only for Rwanda’s (rural) policies, but also for international donors that have presented Rwanda as a model for development because of the supposedly strong poverty reductions.

Sam Desiere is currently a senior researcher at HIVA, the research institute for work and society of the University of Leuven, Belgium. In 2015 he obtained a PhD in agricultural economics from Ghent University, Belgium, which focused on data quality of household surveys in developing countries.

Featured Photograph: As part of the DFID funded Vision 2020 Umurenge Programme (VUP), Rwanda’s flagship Social Protection Programme, women and men in northern Rwanda work on a public works site in 2012, building terraces to prevent soil erosion

Source: A Review of African Political Economy (ROAPE)

Rwandan Poverty Statistics: Exposing the ‘Donor Darling’

In his book entitled Poor Numbers, Morten Jerven cautioned against taking African development statics at face value, given the high political and financial stakes attached to these numbers, as well as the lack of institutional mechanisms to prevent political interference in many countries. Few countries illustrate his case more starkly than Rwanda. As An Ansoms et al pointed out in an article in the print issue of ROAPE earlier this year, ‘Statistics versus livelihoods: questioning Rwanda’s pathway out of poverty, the Rwandan government has used its record on poverty reduction and economic growth to legitimize its authoritarian rule and to deflect criticism of its human rights record, just as the previous regime had done up until 1990. Furthermore, Rwanda’s spectacular recovery after the genocide has made it somewhat of a “donor darling”, and has enabled the government to attract significant foreign resources in the form of aid from donors desperate to claim a share in this African success story.

Yet, questions have been mounting in recent years about the reality and sustainability of the “Rwandan miracle”, given the heavy-handed nature of the state-led agricultural transformation project (Dawson et al. 2016), and the government’s propensity for debt-financed investments in unproductive prestige projects, such as the Kigali Convention Centre. These questions came to a head in September 2015, when the National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda (NISR) published a poverty profile (NISR, 2015) based on the most recent household budget survey (EICV4 by its French acronym). The report claimed that the proportion of Rwandans living below the poverty line had fallen from 45% in 2010 to 39% in 2014, after a string of similarly successful decreases in the previous surveys. Two months later, Filip Reyntjens published a critique, claiming that the “decrease” in poverty had been artificially engineered by NISR by changing the type of poverty line used, from an “average” consumption basket based on actual consumption patterns of poor Rwandan households, to a “minimum” or “optimal” consumption basket, containing mostly highly caloric and inexpensive food types.

The change is not in itself problematic, as the choice of a poverty line is always, to some extent, arbitrary and there are many different acceptable ways to define a poverty line. The normative minimum consumption basket adopted by NISR is one such way. However, to make trend comparisons, all experts agree that it is crucial to use consistent methodologies, assumptions and definitions across time. Reyntjens claimed that had they done that, they would have found the proportion of people living below the minimum poverty line to have increased by 6 percentage points between 2010 and 2014. Unfortunately, Reyntjens never published the syntax files he used to compute his estimate. Neither did NISR accept to publish its own syntax files. Without this key piece of evidence, the debate has never been closed from a technical point of view, as it is impossible to show convincingly whether poverty has actually increased or decreased in Rwanda between 2010 and 2014.

We hope to contribute to settling this issue by publishing open, transparent and verifiable syntax files built using a publicly available dataset, which can be downloaded from NISR’s own microdata catalogue on its website (the two syntax files can be opened with .txt notepad or STATA software here). There are many ways to compute these things and there are innumerable adjustments and assumptions that must be made to arrive at an aggregate number. Consequently, it is difficult to replicate exactly the official estimates without access to the original syntax files. However, we hope that by submitting these to public scrutiny, such differences can be ironed out in an open and transparent manner, and any mistakes can be corrected to arrive at an estimate that all parties can accept. In constructing these estimates, our main priority has been to ensure consistency between the two surveys. We therefore try to use exactly the same code and assumptions in both years wherever possible. Below, we provide an overview of the key parameters and assumptions that entered the construction of these indices. Since there are several different poverty lines that have been generated by now, we decided to compute trends for all of them, namely:

  • Average consumption basket: representing the minimum amount required to consume 2,500 kcal per day (adjusted for age and gender), using prevailing culinary habits of poor Rwandan households in 2001. This was the official poverty line used in 2001, 2005, 2010.
  • Updated average basket: representing the minimum amount required to consume 2,500 kcal per day (adjusted for age and gender), using prevailing culinary habits of poor Rwandan households in 2014. This was the new poverty line computed by NISR in 2014, which should have been used in EICV4, but was never used because it was deemed too high.
  • Minimum consumption basket: representing the minimum amount required to consume 2,500 kcal per day (adjusted for age and gender), using optimal (i.e. cheap and highly caloric) food types. This was the official poverty line used in 2014 (EICV4).
  • Reyntjen’s poverty line: Reyntjens argued that since the minimum consumption basket was 19% lower than the updated average basket, trend comparisons with 2010 should have been made using a poverty line that was 19% lower than the one used in 2010.[1] For this poverty line, we did not construct a food basket, but simply calculated 81% of the figure from the total poverty line computed from the average consumption basket.

 

In all consumption baskets, the quantities and caloric values are kept constant across surveys. Prices for each item are given as the national median price across regions and across months, as reported in the auto-consumption module of the EICV survey (see table 3 below). Consumption aggregates have been adjusted for spatial and temporal price differences using a Laspeyres index (see table 2 below). The Laspeyres index was chosen because it yielded estimates that were closest to official poverty estimates in EICV3 for the average basket. The choice of price index does not affect the conclusions of this blogpost.

The results are reported in table 1 below. All poverty lines yield similar trends when used consistently over time, indicating that poverty increased between 5% and 7% points between 2010 and 2014. All changes are statistically significant at the 5% level.

It should be noted that our results differ from those obtained by simply updating the poverty line for inflation using CPI data, as was done by NISR in their 2016 trend report (NISR, 2016). In principle, if the data are of good quality and sufficiently disaggregated, both methods should be equivalent and should not yield significantly different results. This therefore raises questions about the quality / reliability of official CPI data, and/or the quality of price data collected by the EICV. In either case, this would undermine our ability to correctly estimate poverty levels in Rwanda. The discrepancies found here should invite us to more closely scrutinize official statistics coming out of the Rwandan statistical office. GDP growth figures appear to be incompatible with the findings of the EICV survey, given than agriculture still accounts for about one third of GDP and two thirds of the labour force.

Tables

Table 1: Summary of poverty lines and poverty rates

Average basket Updated basket Minimum basket Reyntjen’s poverty line
2010 2014 2010 2014 2010 2014 2010 2014
Share of non-food[2](% of total cons.) 31 34.8
Total caloric intake (kcal/ adult/ day) 1346 1215 1212
Total food cost per pers./year (Rwf) 96,797 121,795 98,069 125,504 77,559 101,116
Non-food component (Rwf/ pers/year) 43,489 54,720 52,344 66,987 41,397 53,899
Total poverty line (Rwf/ pers/ year) 140,286 176,515 150,413 192,491 118,956 155,015 113,632 142,977
Poverty rate (% of pop< tot. pov. Line) 45.2 50.2 49.2 55.8 35.2 42.2 32.5 37.1
Change in poverty rate +5* +6.6* +7* +4.6*
*Change is statistically significant at 5% level

 

Table 2: Laspeyres price index by quarter and province (computed from price data in auto-consumption file)

2010 Kigali City Southern Western Northern Eastern
First quarter 1.47 0.98 0.89 0.98 1.14
Second quarter 1.31 0.98 0.92 0.96 1.05
Third quarter 1.38 0.98 0.92 0.98 1.13
Fourth quarter 1.31 0.98 0.92 1.00 1.14
2014 Kigali City Southern Western Northern Eastern
First quarter 1.22 0.93 1.01 0.96 1.09
Second quarter 1.20 0.95 0.96 0.91 1.08
Third quarter 1.27 0.98 1.06 1.05 1.04
Fourth quarter 1.14 0.92 1.07 0.99 1.02

 

Table 3: Food baskets used to compute poverty lines

PRODUCE NAME KCAL/ 100G PRICE[3] QUANTITY CONSUMED (KG/ ADULT EQUIVALENT PER DAY)
AVERAGE BASKET UPDATED BASKET MINIMUM BASKET
both years 2010 2014 both years both years both years
Sweet potato 92 80 100 0.4033 0.3114 0.0915
Irish Potato 67 120 150 0.1763 0.1257 0.0242
Banana – cooking (Inyamunyo) 75 120 150 0.0573 0.0783 0.0227
Dry beans 341 300 400 0.1130 0.0758 0.0758
Cassava (root) 109 100 150 0.0410 0.0694 0.0694
Cassava (flour) 338 200 300 0.0134 0.0391 0.0063
Sorghum juice(Ubushera) 173 150 180 0.0000 0.0000 0.0000
Tomato 17 200 200 0.0106 0.0146 0.0146
Corn (flour) 363 300 350 0.0100 0.0184 0.0012
Cabbages 19 100 100 0.0207 0.0172 0.0172
Local Banana beer 48 300 300 0.0096 0.0000 0.0000
Avocado 119 90 100 0.0036 0.0143 0.0494
Amarante (small leafed green) 22 100 150 0.0124 0.0150 0.0150
Local sorghum beer(ikigage) 173 150 180 0.0150 0.0000 0.0000
Cassava (fermented) 362 150 200 0.0056 0.0113 0.1097
Dry maize (grain) 356 180 240 0.0103 0.0138 0.0225
Eggplant 21 150 200 0.0070 0.0082 0.0082
Cassava leaves 53 150 200 0.0068 0.0093 0.0093
Local rice 280 500 600 0.0027 0.0092 0.0035
Tarot/amateke 86 100 150 0.0098 0.0189 0.0476
Maize (fresh) 36 100 150 0.0065 0.0000 0.0000
Fresh milk 61 150 200 0.0010 0.0062 0.0062
Fresh bean 53 200 250 0.0002 0.0000 0.0000
Banana fruit (Imineke) 60 150 200 0.0038 0.0056 0.0028
Sorghum (flour) 343 300 350 0.0031 0.0051 0.0075
Onion 24 250 325 0.0017 0.0024 0.0024
Curdled Milk 75 200 200 0.0007 0.0053 0.0053
Local banana juice 48 200 200 0.0000 0.0035 0.0020
Groundnut flour 387 900 1000 0.0004 0.0000 0.0000
Sorghum 343 250 250 0.0253 0.0028 0.0143
Amarante (large leafed green) 22 100 170 0.0039 0.0028 0.0028
Pumpkin 19 100 100 0.0068 0.0058 0.0058
Pineapple 26 100 125 0.0002 0.0013 0.0013
Carrot 38 200 250 0.0003 0.0011 0.0011
Papayas 26 100 150 0.0006 0.0014 0.0014
Mangos 45 100 125 0.0000 0.0022 0.0074
Beef meat 150 1400 1400 0.0006 0.0016 0.0000
Green pea (fresh) 37 400 500 0.0006 0.0000 0.0000
Fish (fresh / frozen) 49 1000 1020 0.0005 0.0000 0.0000
Eggs 139 70 240 0.0007 0.0009 0.0009
Guava 17 70 100 0.0002 0.0000 0.0000
Soya (dry) 335 300 400 0.0000 0.0004 0.0004
Yams/Ibikoro 109 130 160 0.0000 0.0104 0.0104
Pepper 17 250 300 0.0002 0.0000 0.0000
Plums 24 425 600 0.0001 0.0000 0.0000
Pork meat 220 1150 1400 0.0000 0.0003 0.0000
Wheat (flour) 364 350 450 0.0001 0.0000 0.0000
Goat meat 164 1500 1800 0.0002 0.0000 0.0000
Orange (local) 34 200 200 0.0000 0.0002 0.0002
String bean 32 200 200 0.0068 0.0000 0.0000
Soya (fresh) 405 200 250 0.0023 0.0000 0.0000
Green pea (dry) 339 500 700 0.0010 0.0000 0.0000
Ground nuts (peanuts) 567 800 1000 0.0009 0.0001 0.0001
Fish (dry / smoked) 199 500 500 0.0000 0.0127 0.0127
Other Meats 126 550 800 0.0000 0.0000 0.0005
Bread 261 239 303 0.0011 0.0000 0.0000
Imported rice 363 460 583 0.0014 0.0000 0.0000
Palm oil 884 668 846 0.0036 0.0000 0.0000
Sugar (local) 380 500 634 0.0027 0.0000 0.0000

The authors of this article have asked for anonymity.  

Featured Photograph: Parc National des Volcans, Rwanda. August 4, 2005

References

Reyntjens, F. 2015. “Lies, Damned Lies and Statistics: Poverty Reduction Rwandan-style and How the Aid Community Loves It.” Blog of 3 November 2015 posted on http://www.africanarguments.org.

NISR. 2015. Rwanda Poverty Profile Report 2013/2014: Results of Integrated Household Living Conditions Survey. Kigali: NISR.

An Ansoms, Esther Marijnen, Giuseppe Cioffo, and Jude Murison, “Statistics versus livelihoods: questioning Rwanda’s pathway out of poverty”, Review Of African Political EconomyVol. 44 , Iss. 151, 2017.

National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda (NISR), Poverty Trend Analysis Report, June 2016.

Jerven, Morten. Poor numbers: how we are misled by African development statistics and what to do about it. Cornell University Press, 2013.

Dawson, Neil, Adrian Martin, and Thomas Sikor. ‘Green revolution in sub-saharan Africa: Implications of imposed innovation for the wellbeing of rural smallholders.’ World Development 78 (2016): 204-218.

Notes

[1] Note that Reyntjens argument is not strictly speaking correct, since it would still require us to compare two different consumption baskets. To be methodologically sound, the 19% reduction would thus need to be applied to the same basket in both years, as we are doing here.

[2] In the average consumption basket, the non-food component is computed based on the average food share for households in the 7th decile in 2001. In the updated and minimum baskets, the non-food components are computed based on the average food share for households in the 5th decile in 2014.

[3] National median price of product as reported in the auto-consumption module.

Source: A Review of African Political Economy (ROAPE)

Revealed: Despot Rwanda dictator labelled a ‘visionary’ by Tony Blair falsifies poverty numbers to get more foreign aid and ‘even sent hitmen to Britain to take out rivals’

 

Priti Patel

Duped: The Department for International Development, overseen by Priti Patel, issued a report boasting of ‘investing’ £64 million aid this year in Rwanda.

president-paul-kagame-7

  • Paul Kagame is the President of Rwanda and commanded a rebel force before
  • Britain is the second biggest bilateral donor to Rwanda, giving £64 million a year
  • The Mail on Sunday found that the regime twists records, lying about poverty 
  • Human Rights activist Rene Mugenzi was warned by police that a hit squad from Rwanda had come to the UK to kill him

Emmanuel Gasakure could have enjoyed a comfortable life as a cardiologist in France. But when his native Rwanda was ripped apart by genocide in 1994, he returned to the country.

He helped revive the health service as the nation recovered from terrible trauma and served as President Paul Kagame’s adviser and personal physician for 14 years.

But Gasakure grew disturbed by dark forces wrecking his lifetime’s work. So he confronted the country’s health minister, a friend of Kagame’s wife, over missing funds, stray medical supplies and a mismanaged human resources project. Days later, this patriotic physician was arrested, tortured and then shot dead – by a police officer, reportedly in self-defence, inside a Kigali police station. One more dissident wiped out by a despotic regime. ‘He was executed because he was denouncing corruption in the health sector,’ said a friend. ‘Kagame is a killer.’

Few would now dispute this claim, given Kagame’s lethal interventions in neighbouring nations and the constant stream of critics who have died or disappeared after falling out with his regime.

His foes are not even safe abroad: one was strangled in South Africa, others have been eliminated in East Africa, while British and US authorities have issued warnings over Rwandan death squads.

Yet this bloodstained dictator at the helm of a ruthless one-party state is hailed a hero by Western leaders lavishing torrents of foreign aid on his tiny nation as he prepares for his latest electoral coronation next month.

Tony Blair says Kagame is a ‘visionary’. Bill Clinton called him one of the ‘greatest leaders of our time’. David Cameron proclaimed Rwanda ‘a success story’ that offers ‘a role model for development’.

The United Nations tells other African nations to ‘emulate’ Rwanda. The billionaire philanthropist Bill Gates works with him, the Davos elite fall at his feet and leading universities provide prestigious platforms for him to speak.

Britain is among the biggest cheerleaders, handing over huge sums from taxpayers and ushering Rwanda into the Commonwealth eight years ago.

Rwanda is the ultimate ‘donor darling’, where the barbarity of its vicious regime is brushed aside in a desperate search for an aid success story. And Britain backed the regime even after Kagame overturned the constitution to retain power for another 17 years.

Now, The Mail on Sunday can reveal devastating evidence that Rwanda may have distorted data, exaggerated claims of rapid development and lied about levels of poverty in its bid to shore up its credentials for foreign aid.

Our investigation reveals:

  1. Deaths of mothers and infants have been deliberately ‘unlogged’ to boost mortality statistics, exaggerating health improvements;
  2. Britain boasts its aid helped fund near-universal use of mosquito bed nets, yet corruption and mismanagement by health officials led to a massive malaria outbreak;
  3. Experts allege statistics on poverty are being manipulated to show improvements when it is actually growing worse, not better;
  4. A British firm has withdrawn from helping analyse a key national study used to measure poverty, reportedly due to concerns over data manipulation;
  5. Multilateral partners have confronted Rwanda after discovering its health data is ‘not credible’;
  6. World Bank sources say a famine caused by drought and failed agricultural policies is being covered up by the state;
  7. Dissidents claim Western donors are being duped. ‘Britain ignores reality and chooses to play an openly propagandistic role for the regime,’ said David Himbara, a former Kagame aide.

Some of the most shocking evidence uncovered by this newspaper comes from senior regime insiders who have fled the country. One said he saw the president personally beat a colleague with sticks for buying curtains from a store not owned by the ruling party, which has vast assets and is controlled by Kagame. The victim remains behind bars nine years later.

The MoS investigation was aided by a whistleblowing senior official at a global multilateral agency. ‘I feel like an accomplice to murder,’ said the source.

‘I thought I was working with God but it turned out I was working with the Devil. This kind of regime is pure evil.’

President Kagame sells himself as saviour of Rwanda after ousting Hutu militia accused of slaughtering about 800,000 mainly Tutsi citizens in the genocide, then salvaging a shattered nation. He skilfully exploited Western guilt over the genocide, despite sparking war in the Democratic Republic of Congo that led to possibly five million deaths. His forces carried out terrible atrocities, even on refugees, women and children.

He was due to stand down this year. But Kagame held a referendum to overturn limits on how long he could serve, claiming to be reacting to public opinion and winning almost all the votes. He could now stay in power until 2034.

His last election in 2010 was a sham, with rivals jailed and newspapers closed using state bodies backed by British aid.

One opponent was beheaded – yet Tony Blair, who has borrowed Kagame’s private jet, sent the dictator effusive congratulations. In May this year, an activist called Diane Rwigara declared she would stand against Kagame, bravely arguing ‘people are tired, people are angry’. Her industrialist father died two years ago in a car crash the family fear was a politically-linked murder. Two days later, nude photographs of the 35-year-old were leaked to a newspaper and circulated on social media. Then the electoral commission rejected her bid.

‘Since the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front took power 23 years ago, Rwandans have faced huge – and often deadly – obstacles to participating in public life and voicing criticism of government policy,’ said Amnesty International regional director Muthoni Wanyeki.

The roll call of dead critics includes an opposition figure who was ordered to meet his village security official in May. A few days later his family were called to collect his corpse from a hospital.

Human Rights Watch also revealed why visitors admire capital Kigali’s neat streets: the police execute petty criminals while ‘undesirables’ such as hawkers and the homeless are held in camps. The group says there is official strategy to spread fear. Yet on Thursday, the Department for International Development, overseen by Priti Patel, issued a report boasting of ‘investing’ £64 million aid this year in Rwanda to ‘build effective government institutions’ and support ‘development of an open and inclusive society’.

It praised Kagame’s ‘strong record of using aid effectively to… produce impressive results’ and insisted his regime ‘plays a progressive role on the world stage’.

Britain is the second biggest bilateral donor to Rwanda. The nation of nearly 12 million people receives the highest levels of aid support per capita in its region – about twice as much per head as Burundi, Kenya or Uganda.

Kagame and his fans love to reel off figures highlighting how he has transformed his country in areas such as healthcare, with life expectancy soaring and sharp falls in child and maternal mortality. But according to former insiders such as Himbara, who served as Kagame’s principal private secretary and then his head of policy and strategy, ‘statistical manipulation is so widespread that hardly anyone knows what the reality is’.

Another well-placed source explained how Rwanda twists child mortality figures. ‘If a researcher goes to a household and finds a child has died, they just go to the next one. This is easy in such a tightly controlled society since no one can complain.’

Vincent DeGennaro, an American doctor, spent 18 months working in Rwanda with a charity and saw how neonatal and maternal deaths went unrecorded. ‘When I first got there, I bought into the narrative,’ he said. But he soon realised there was deliberate miscollection of data.

‘I was seeing babies dying in a hospital that did not get recorded and mothers in health centres whose deaths were not recorded. That was enough to show they were lying.’

Himbara claims Rwanda has only 684 doctors and 99 pharmacists, far lower than both official figures and rates per capita across Africa.

Britain boasts of aiding Rwanda’s health sector and funding distribution of bed nets. But a malaria epidemic with two million cases exposed corruption and purchase of shoddy nets, leading to the dismissal of the health minister and charging of officials.

‘This is proof that whatever statistics they provided were fake,’ said a senior World Bank official. ‘It is impossible to have this size of malaria outbreak if 95 per cent of the population are sleeping under proper bed nets as claimed.

‘Then they covered this up by blaming climate change but there was no other epidemic then in neighbouring countries. We are sure the statistics are false.’

This newspaper understands World Health Organisation officials have also disputed Rwandan statistics. ‘They challenged the data because it was not credible,’ said a source. Filip Reyntjens, a renowned Belgian expert on Rwanda, also raised questions over abuse of statistics. He argued the regime deliberated engineered a decline in poverty figures by changing goods used in a household budget survey.

Oxford Policy Management, a British firm of consultants, withdrew from helping analyse the study reportedly due to ‘a disagreement’ over data manipulation.

Reyntjens said results would otherwise have revealed a significant rise in the proportion of people living below the minimum poverty line between 2010 and 2014.

‘It is surprising the international aid community does not seem to be bothered by major flaws in the evidence on Rwanda’s achievements in two major pet areas of donors: poverty and inequality,’ he wrote on the African Arguments website.

‘This makes clear again that donors and recipients need each other. Donors need success stories, recipients need money and neither wants to rock the boat.’

Reyntjens told me he fears the repression is building dangerous resentments. ‘My concern is Rwanda will explode again.’

His claims were endorsed last month in the Review of African Political Economy.

The fact that two researchers arrive – independently from each other – at the same conclusion, strengthens my belief that… poverty in Rwanda has increased,’ wrote economist Sam Desiere.

There have also been reports of severe hunger in parts of the country, partly blamed on centralised agricultural policies promoting crops such as coffee, tea and flowers to sell abroad. ‘It is a typical famine of a totalitarian state,’ said the World Bank source.

‘They try to hide it but the situation is very serious.’

The author Anjan Sundaram spent almost five years in Rwanda on a journalism training project funded by British and European aid. In Bad News, his devastating exposé of dictatorship, he quotes a diplomat ‘proud’ to be giving money to Kagame.

Yet Sundaram told me donors should have no doubt their cash fuels repression and diminishes hopes of democracy. ‘Rwandans benefit from aid on condition that they do not criticise the Rwandan government,’ he said. ‘Critics are routinely denied benefits of aid-financed healthcare.

‘Worse, they often find themselves imprisoned, tortured, forced to flee the country or dead. Aid money strengthens the government’s repressive machinery.’

Kagame has officials with his Tutsi-dominated party monitoring every household and every village. This can be a force for good – seen with the elimination of plastic bags – but also creates a climate of compliant fear.

The president is thought to control $500 million of assets in Rwanda, from property to milk processing, through Crystal Ventures, the ruling party’s company. Confidants of Kagame were named in the Panama Papers leak of secretive offshore holdings.

Dissidents are dismayed by Western support for a savage and duplicitous regime. ‘Britain knows exactly what is going on,’ said Robert Higiro, a former army major who was asked to kill two of the president’s most hated enemies – one of whom was later murdered. ‘I have friends at DFID. They know the truth.’

Rene Mugenzi, a father of three and human rights activist, was warned six years ago by Scotland Yard that a Kigali hit squad had been sent after him.

‘British support to Rwanda is sustaining an oppressive government, totally contrary to development and aid principles,’ he said. ‘I am a British taxpayer but my government is funding a totalitarian regime that wants my assassination.’

DFID insists that Rwanda uses aid effectively and says it is funding work in the country to improve collection of statistics and reduce poverty. It argues that Britain’s ability to effect change is boosted by engagement.

‘All UK financial support in Rwanda is earmarked for specific programmes only, such as education,’ said a spokesman.

‘In all its dealing with the government of Rwanda, the British Government holds them to account on governance, human rights and development issues.’

Source: Mail Online

 

 

 

ITERAMBERE RYA LETA YA KAGAME NI IGIPINDI GISA : Yananiwe no guha abaturage amazi meza ! Ikwiye amanota 15 /100.

Amazi

ITERAMBERE RYA LETA YA KAGAME NI IGIPINDI GISA : Yananiwe no guha abaturage amazi meza ! Ikwiye amanota 15 /100.

Igihe kirageze ngo abantu batobore bavuge, bamagane ibipindi bya FPR -Inkotanyi wagira ngo bibereyeho gushinyagurira abaturage cyangwa kubakina ku mubyimba ! Kwirirwa biyerekana imbere y’amahanga ngo bazanye iterambere ry’indashyikirwa mu Rwanda mu gihe Leta ntacyo ikora ngo nibura ihe abaturage amazi meza yo kunywa, ni agahomamunwa !

Mu mahugurwa duherutse gukorera Abayobozi b’Amakipe Ishema twibanze ku bintu 10 by’ingenzi ushobora gupimiraho iterambere ry’igihugu. Reka mbibasangize .

I. Ubundi iterambere nyaryo rigaragarira he, ripimirwa he ?

Dore ibintu icumi by’ibanze byerekana ko igihugu runaka kiri gutera intambwe igaragara mu iterambere :

(1)  Abaturage bafite ibyo kurya bihagije

(2) Abaturage bafite aho gutura (inzu) heza

(3) Abaturage bafite ubushobozi bwo kwivuza iyo barwaye

(4) Abana bashobora kwiga nta nkomyi

(5) Abaturage bafite amazi meza

(6) Abaturage bafite amashanyarazi mu ngo zabo

(7) Abaturage bambara ku buryo buboneye

(8) Abaturage barindiwe umutekano

(9) Abaturage bafite inzego z’ubutabera zikiranura abagiranye amakimbirane

(10) Urubyiruko rushobora kubona imirimo no kugira amizero y’ejo hazaza hazima

II. Ese mu Rwanda byifashe bite ?

Gahunda zose za Leta ishishikajwe n’iterambere ry’ukuri zakagombye kuba zigenewe  guteza abaturage intambwe ijya mbere muri ibi bintu icumi bivuzwe haruguru. Iyo Leta itabishoboye iregura ikavaho cyangwa se abaturage bagahaguruka bakayivudukana.

Iyo bikomeje kuririmbwa ko Kagame ariwe ushoboye kuyobora u Rwanda wenyine kubera ko yazaniye Abanyarwanda iterambere ry’akataraboneka, byakagombye kugaragarira mu bisubizo bihamye Leta ye itanga bijyanye n’izi ngingo icumi zavuzwe hejuru .

Twebwe nk’abenegihugu, iyo dusuzumye dusanga Leta ya Paul Kagame ikwiye amanota 15/100 mu byerekeye iterambere yazanye . Dore aho ayo manota aturuka :

(1).Abanyarwanda bafite ibyo kurya bihagije ?   Amanota : 1/10

Igisobanuro : Inzara yitwa NZARAMBA igiye kumarira abaturage ku icumu biturutse ahanini ku byemezo bya Leta bihubutse kandi byuje urugomo nko :

*Kwambura abaturage ubutaka bwabo hashingiwe ku mategeko afifitse,

* Politiki yiswe iyo guhuza ubutaka yabahatiye guhinga igihingwa kimwe kitabafitiye akamaro

*Ubukunguzi bwo gutema intoki no kurandura imyaka y’abaturage ….

 

(2). Abaturage bafite aho gutura (inzu) heza ?  1.5/10

Politiki yo guca nyakatsi yashoboraga kugira umusaruro mwiza iyo iza gukorwa mu bwitonzi, ikabanza gusobanurirwa abaturage, kandi ntigaragaremo akarengane . Gusenyera umuturage inzu ngo ni uko yubatse muri rukarakara cyangwa isakaje ibyatsi ariko ntumutere inkunga ngo yubake inzu iboneye ni ububisha bwakorwa gusa na Leta yanga abaturage bayo. Abasenyewe bakomeje kwangara, kurara hanze, kwandura indwara zibahuta …..

Imiturirwa y’abaherwe n’abanyamahanga bigaruriye Kigali Leta ya Kagame ihora  ikinga abazungu mu maso  sicyo gipimo cy’iterambere ry’u Rwanda.  Ni ikinyoma . N’ikimenyimenyi ngo ayo magorofa y’i Kigali yabuze abayakodesha !

Politiki yo gutuza abantu mu midugudu yashoboraga kugira akamaro iyo bidakorwa mu gitugu gikabije. Aho Leta ishaka gushyira umudugudu, yagombaga kubanza kuhageza amazi meza, amashanyarazi , ishuri, ivuriro….Iyo biza gukorwa gutyo abaturage bari kwijyanayo  ku bwende kandi bishimye.

(3) Abaturage bafite ubushobozi bwo kwivuza iyo barwaye?   1.5/10

Politiki ya « Mutuwele yo kwivuza » cyari igitekerezo cyiza. Ariko cyaje guhinduka icyanzu cyo gusahura rubanda no kubabeshya ngo baravurwa kandi mu by’ukuri batavurwa. Ntibikiri ibanga amafaranga yose batanze nka « Cotisation ya mutuelle »yaranyerejwe . Leta ubwayo yabyemeye mu kwirukana nabi Ministri w’ubuzima Agnes BINANGWAHO ndetse na ba Meya benshi baherutse kwirukanwa bashinjwa kunyereza amafaranga ya Mituweli. Hagati aho abari bayatanze bahitanywe n’icyorezo cya Malariya ku bwinshi, ababyeyi batagira ingano bo bagafungirwa mu bitaro babuze ubwishyu !

(4) Abana bashobora kwiga nta nkomyi ? 3/10

Raporo zinyuranye zikozwe n’inzego z’ubuyobozi bukuru bw’igihugu (Inteko Ishingamategeko …) zakomeje kwemeza ko uburezi buhabwa abana ba rubanda guhera mu mwaka w’1994, mu mashuri abanza, ayisumbuye na kaminuza, nta REME bufite.

Ku ruhande rumwe, igitekerezo cyo gushuka abaturage ko abana bose baziga bagatunga dipolome ariko zitagize icyo zibamariye kiragayitse cyane kandi kizagira ingaruka zikomeye kuri ejo hazaza h’igihugu.

Ku rundi ruhande, bigaragara ko abana b’abategetsi aribo batangwaho umutungo w’igihugu kugira ngo bige mu mashuri y’akataraboneka  yo muri Kigali , ndetse bigasozwa no kubohereza mu Bulayi na America . Uku kwikubira ibyiza by’igihugu kurakabije kandi kugomba guhagarara.

Nanone kandi hari ivangura rikaze rikomeje kugaragarira mu gukoresha umutungo w’igihugu hagafashwa abana bamwe  barihirwa amashuri , abandi ndetse b’abahanga bakabura ubufasha. Ninde utabona ko iri vangura rishingiye ku irondakoko niridakosorwa amaherezo rizadusenyera igihugu bikomeye !

Uku gusumbanya abana b’igihugu bisa n’ibyimitse politiki ya « apartheid » hagati y’abana b’u Rwanda, FPR yarishyizeho igamije kwimika ubusumbane bukomeye mu gihe kizaza. Ninde wabishima uretse uwanzi w’igihugu ?

(5)Abaturage bafite amazi meza ? 0.5/10

Abaturage badafite amazi meza nta buzima buzira umuze bashobora kugira. Bagira umwanda, bakazongwa n’indwara z’ibyorezo zinyuranye. Ihere amaso iyi videwo ikurikira urebe uko iki kibazo cyazahaje abaturage kandi Leta ya Kagame ikaba idashaka kugikemura!

Yewe ngo n’ahubatswe amariba ya kijyambere , abaturage babanje gutanga imisanzu, nta mazi yigeze ageramo ! Ngiyo rero politiki y’igipindi  ye !

 

(6) Abaturage bafite amashanyarazi mu ngo zabo ? 2.5/10

Abaturage bahatiwe gutanga amafaranga atagira ingano kugira ngo bahabwe amashanyarazi . N’ubwo insinga zakwirakwijwe ahatari hake, incuro babona umuriro mu kwezi ni mbarwa . Nyamara barakomeza bakariha …. Buri kwezi !

Reka twibutse ko amashyanyarazi afite uruhare rukomeye mu iterambere ry’igihugu n’abaturage bacyo .

(7) Abaturage bambara ku buryo buboneye ? 2/10

Politiki yo guca « Caguwa » mu Rwanda yagaragaje ko Leta ya Kagame ihora ifata ibyemezo bibangamiye cyane inyungu za rubanda . Bizwi ko U Rwanda rudafite inganda zakora imyenda mishya ihagije. Ikindi kandi abaturage bose ntibaragira ubushobozi bwo kugura imyenda mishya gusa. Iki cyemezo cyo guca caguwa cyagaragaye nko kwishongora bikabije kandi bitarimo ubwenge. Yewe n’ibihugu by’i Bulayi byakataje mu majyambere biracyacuruza imyenda ya caguwa !

 

Aha urubyiruko rurannyega icyemezo cya Leta cyo guca caguwa.

Aho Leta ya Nyakubahwa Paul Kagame ntiyibwira ko u Rwanda rutuwe n’abaministri n’abaherwe batuye Kigali gusa ? Ndetse twumva ko n’abagizwe abamisitiri bagurizwa amafaranga yo kugura iyo myenda mishya ! Abaturage basanzwe se bo bazagurizwa nande ?

(8)Abaturage barindiwe umutekano : 1/10

Mu Rwanda imbere nta ntambara y’amasasu ihari nyamara inzego zishinzwe gucunga umutekano(Polisi, igisirikari, Inkeragutabara…) ntizisiba kurasa abaturage b’inzirakarengane ku manywa y’ihangu no kubahoza mu iterabwoba ridahuga.

Intambara z’urudaca Leta ihozamo ibihugu duturanye nazo amaherezo zizabyarira Abanyarwanda akarambaraye niba iyi politiki yo kwigira gashozantambara mu karere idahagaritswe .

Nta mutekano abanyarwanda bafite, bahora babunza imitima, buracya ngo ntibwira, bwakwira ngo ntibucya ! Ababonye icyanzu bakizwa n’amaguru bagahungira mu mahanga ;

Uyu se niwo mutekano ukwiye igihugu biririmbwa ko ari intangarugero mu iterambere no mu miyoborere myiza ?

(9) Abaturage bafite inzego z’ubutabera zikiranura abagiranye amakimbirane ? 2/10

Hari ingero nyinshi zerekana ko ruswa yahawe intebe ; umuco kirimbuzi wo « gutekinika amadosiye » ntukiri inkuru mbarirano ; inzego z’ubutebera ntizigenga ahubwo zahinduwe ibikoresho by’inyungu z’ishyaka rukumbi rya FPR . Gereza zuzuye abaturage batagira amadosiye kimwe n’abafunze gusa kubera ko banenga politiki idahwitse ya FPR.

Leta yimika akarengane bigeze aha , si Leta yo kwizerwa .

(10) Urubyiruko rufite imirimo n’amizero y’ejo hazaza hazima ? 0/10

Urubyiruko nirwo maboko y’igihugu rukaba n’amizero y’iterambere rizaramba. Iyo urubyiruko rwihebye ntiwavuga ko uri kubaka igihugu.

 

Mu Rwanda urubyiruko ruremerewe cyane n’iterabwoba, ubushomeri n’ubukene. Umugabane ungana na 85 % w’urubyiruko ntacyo Leta ya Kagame ikora ngo irufashe kwikura mu bukene no kwizera ejo hazaza hazima. Icyo Leta ya Kagame imariye urubyiruko ruyikeneyeho ibisubizo ni ukujya kubafungira ku karwa ka IWAWA ; kubashora mu ntambara zo mu bihugu duturanye zibatikiza umusubizo n’uzirokotse agasigara ari igisenzegeri kitazagira icyo cyimarira.

Umwanzuro

Leta ya Paul Kagame abaturage baramutse bayigiriye ubuntu bayiha amanota angana na 15 /100 , ubundi bakayisezerera bwangu . Leta nk’iyi ntabwo ikwiye guhabwa amahirwe yo gukomeza kugaraguza abaturage agati no kwivuga ibigwi itagira . Politiki z’ibipindi Abanyarwanda barazirambiwe. Niyo mpamvu hakenewe IMPINDUKA.

By’umwihariko Urubyiruko rw’u Rwanda rukwiye kwishakamo ubutwari, rugahagurukana impirita maze mu matora ataha ya Perezida wa Repubulika yo mu 2017 n’ay’Intumwa za rubanda yo mu 2018, rukihitiramo abayobozi bashya . Njyewe ndetse ndashishikariza abasore n’inkumi kuzitabira amatora ari benshi kandi bakitorera abakandida ba « Nouvelle Génération » kuko umushinga   wacu «  Kunga abenegihugu ngo dufatanye kwiyubakira u Rwanda moderne(Together to modernize Rwanda) », ukubiyemo ibisubizo bifatika kuri ziriya ngingo 10 zagaragajwe hejuru, ari nazo zubakirwaho iterambere rirambye ry’igihugu .

Mbifurije mwese guhorana ishema.

Padiri Thomas NAHIMANA,

Umukandida wa Opozisiyo mu matora ya Perezida wa Repubulika yo mu 2017.

Ubucakura buhatse ubucakara: FPR mu mugambi w’igihe kirekire wo kwegurira ubutaka bwa rubanda abavukanambuto bayo!

Léonard Seburanga

Benshi mu banyarwanda basobanukiwe neza umwuka wa gihake wihishe inyuma ya politiki y’ubutaka ya leta ya FPR, ariko ntibashobora kwerura ngo babyamagane ku mugaragaro kuko mbere yo guhuguzwa ubutaka FPR yabanje kubambura umudendezo n’ubwisanzure bwo gutangaza ibyo batekereza. Benshi bakora bivuye inyuma ngo biyubakire amazu, ariko birinda kumva ijwi iryo ari ryo ryose ribibutsa ko kubaka inzu ku butaka ukodesha n’aho byaba byitwa ‘ubukode burambye’ ari nko kubaka ku musenyi. Icyakora, bamwe mu bareba kure ntibiyemerera na gato kugokera ubusa bubaka ku butaka leta ishobora kubambura igihe ishakiye. Ahubwo bakoresha imbuto z’umurimo w’amaboko yabo mu kugira uruhare mu mahinduka azasubiza rubanda uburenganzira busesuye ku butaka bwaba ubwo bihahiye cyangwa ubwo barazwe n’abasekuruza. Bene abo ni abo gushyigikirwa bakaba n’urugero rwiza ku batifuza kuzahora mu bucakara bwa FPR n’abibone bayo.

Mu bucakura bwo mu rwego rwo hejuru bukubiyemo gukoresha amategeko akandamiza, uburiganya, ubuhendo n’igitugu, leta ya FPR yatesheje agaciro ihame ryari risanzwe rigenderwaho ry’uko mu Rwanda ubutaka ari umutungo wa rubanda. Bigaragara neza ko ibi leta ya FPR yabikoze igambiriye kwegurira buhoro buhoro umutungo w’ubutaka agatsiko kayiyoboye n’abambari bako. Ikibazo si uko leta ya FPR yemeye ko abantu ku giti cyabo bahabwa inkondabutaka (= freehold title), ni ukuvuga uburenganzira bwo kugira umutungo bwite w’ubutaka (= inkondabutaka). Ikibazo ni ivangura rigaragaramo, riheza abanyarwanda bafite amikoro aringaniye n’acirirtse n’abafite amikoro ahagije ariko bafatwa nk’aho badakwiye ibyiza nk’ibyo.

Amategeko yimika ubusumbane

Itegeko Ngenga No 03/2013/OL ryo kuwa 16/06/2013 rikuraho Itegeko Ngenga n° 08/2005 ryo kuwa 14/07/2005 rigena imikoreshereze n’imicungire y’ubutaka mu Rwanda mu ngingo yaryo ya 6, igika cya 2 n’icya 4 rigiri riti:

Uburenganzira ku nkondabutaka butangwa gusa ku butaka buriho inyubako n’ubuzikikije bwonyine bukenewe kugira ngo ibyo bwagenewe bishobore kuzikorerwamo.

Iteka rya Minisitiri N° 009/16.01 ryo kuwa 23/08/2011 rigena uburyo bwo kubona impapurompamo z’umutungo bwite w’ubutaka riteganya ibi bikurikira:

Ubutaka burebwa niri teka ni ubugenewe INYUBAKO zo guturamo, izinganda, izubukungu nubucuruzi, izimibereho myiza yabaturage, izumuco nizubumenyi nkuko biteganywa mu ngingo ya 6 yItegeko Ngenga n° 08/2005 ryo kuwa 14/07/2005 rigena Imikoreshereze nImicungire yUbutaka mu Rwanda.1 (reba ingingo 2).

UMUSHORAMARI wese wujuje ibyangombwa biteganywa namategeko agenga ibikorwa bishorwamo imari ku butaka, ashobora gusaba guhabwa impapurompamo zumutungo bwite wubutaka.  (reba ingingo ya 4).

Mbere yuko uwasabye impapurompamo zumutungo bwite wubutaka azihabwa agomba kubanza kugirana na Leta amasezerano yUBUGURE bwubutaka asabira impapurompamo zumutungo bwite. (reba ingingo ya 11).

Ushishoje neza, usanga abashobora kubona inkondabutaka ari abantu bakeya cyane, bujuje nibura ibi bikurikira:

  1. Kuba ari abanyemari ku rugero rwo kwitwa ABASHORAMARI.
  2. Kuba barubatse INYUBAKO zihenze mu bibanza basabira ibyemezo by’inkondabutaka –ibishushanyo mbonera by’imijyi n’ahandi hagenewe guturwa bigaragaza uburyo amazu leta yifuza ko yubakwa arenze kure ubushobozi bwa benshi mu banyarwanda akaba inzozi ku muturage usanzwe.
  3. Kuba baragiranye na Leta amasezerano y’UBUGURE bw’ubutaka –ibi bitandukanye cyane no kugirana na Leta amasezerano y’ubukode (= leasehold).

Mu by’ukuri, ni bake rwose mu banyarwanda bashobora kuzuza ibisabwa abifuza guhabwa inkondabutaka. None se ni bangahe mu baturarwanda bafatwa nk’abashoramari? Ni bangahe bashobora kubaka amazu ahenze kuriya? Ni bangahe leta yakwemerera kugirana na bo amasezerano y’ubugure bw’ubutaka? Ni mbarwa rwose!

Kugarura politiki y’ibikingi

Mu gihe cya mbere y’ubukoloni, abantu bake cyane biyumvagamo ko basumbya abandi ubunyarwanda bigaruriye ubutaka bwa rubanda hakoreshejwe uburiganya, igitugu n’ubuhendo, maze babukoresha nk’inzuri ngari cyane zitwaga ibikingi. Abaturage basanzwe b’abahinzi ntibagiraga uburenganzira bwo kugira umutungo bwite w’ubutaka. Bahingaga aho batishije bakishyura amaboko yabo binyuriye ku mirimo inyuranye bakoreraga ba nyir’ibikingi cyangwa bagatanga igice cy’ibyo basaruye bitabujije ko bashoboraga konesherezwa nta nkurikizi.

Mu gushyiraho umwihariko wa bamwe mu mitungire y’ubutaka mu gihe cya none, leta ya FPR yari igamije kugarura iyo politiki y’ibikingi buhoro buhoro –n’ubwo inkondabutaka bahabwa zitagamije kubegurira ubutaka bwo kororeraho amatungo, kuba bubakaho amazu rubanda ruyakikije ihatirwa gukodesha ntaho bitaniye na gahunda yahozeho mu gihe cy’ubuhake. Nibura bitatu mu bigize ibisabwa abifuza inkondabutaka (kuba usaba inkondabutaka ari UMUSHORAMARI, wubatse INYUBAKO ZIGEZWEHO kandi wamaze kugirana na leta AMASEZERANO Y’UBUGURE bw’ubutaka) byatoranijwe n’abacurabwenge ba leta ya FPR mu bucakura bwinshi bagamije inyungu ebyiri z’ingenzi:

  1. Gushyiraho urukuta rukumira rubanda (= abantu bose bari mu mimerere itabemerera kuzuza ibyo leta isaba abashaka inkondabutaka) mu buryo bwo kubahindura abacakara batunzwe no guhinga ubutaka butari ubwabo bakaba ari nabwo buzima bazaraga abana babo. Ibintu biteye ku buryo nta yandi mahitamo abaturage baba bafite uretse guhinga ibyo bategetswe kuko baramutse batabigenje batyo bakwirukanwa ku butaka bakoreshaga maze bugakodeshwa abiteguye kubaho mu buzima bwa cishwa aha. Ku rundi ruhande, kuberako abacurabwenge ba FPR bazi ko hafi ya buri wese ugize icyo aronka yihutira gushaka uko yakwiyubakira inzu, bateze abo mu cyiciro cy’ubukungu buringaniye umutego wo guhora ibanyunyuzamo amafaranga y’ubukode bw’ibibanza bubatseho kuko n’ubwo baba bafite ubushobozi bwo kubaka amazu babamo n’ayo bakodesha abandi, ayo bubaka ntashobora kuzuza ibisabwa ngo bahabwe inkondabutaka. Abo mu icyiciro cyo hasi n’igiciriritse ntibubaka kuko ababigerageje basenyerwa. Babaho mu BUPAGASI bw’igihe cyose. Umutungo wabo ni uwimukanwa gusa, ugizwe ahanini n’ibyo baba bariye n’ibyo baba banyoye. Iyo barwaye indwara ikaze bahuhurwa no kuba ntacyo bafite bakwitabaza wenda nk’inzu ngo babe bayigurisha bishyure ikiguzi cy’ubuvuzi baba bakeneye.
  2. Guha intore butore (= ba nyir’igihugu) uburyo bwo kwigarurira buhoro buhoro umutungo w’ubutaka ubusanzwe ubarwa nk’umutungo leta itunze ku nyungu za rubanda, bakawuhindura umutungo bwite w’abantu ku giti cyabo. Aba, leta iborohereza kurushaho ibakingira ikibaba mu kunyereza amafaranga ava mu ikode abaturage batanga buri mwaka ku bibanza bibabarurwaho, anyunyuzwa mu baturage mu misoro y’umurengera n’aturuka mu bucuruzi leta ibafashamo kubona amasoko yuzuyemo uburiganya n’ubugome. Amafaranga babonye muri ubwo buryo niyo basubira inyuma bakayagura ubutaka bwa rubanda bakanayakoresha mu kubwubakaho, maze inyubako zakuzura, leta ikabubegurira ubuziraherezo binyuriye mu kubaha inkondabutaka.

Tekereza kuri ibi witonze. Mu mwaka wa 2015, mu turere tw’umujyi wa Kigali uko ari dutatu habaye amahererekanywa y’ubutaka 14,914.2 Niba abegukanye ubutaka bwahererekanijwe muri uwo mwaka baranahawe inkondabutaka, ufatiye ku gipimo mpuzandengo ko ikibanza kimwe mu byahererekanijwe cyaba cyari gifite nibura 25mX20m (= 500km2), uwo mwaka wonyine 10% (= 7.5km2) by’ubutaka bwose bwubatseho amazu y’abaturage mu mujyi wa Kigali (yaba ayo guturamo yaba ay’ubucuruzi cyangwa ay’inganda (= 75km2)), bwaba bwaramaze kwigarurirwa burundu n’abantu ku giti cyabo. Mu yandi magambo, umujyi wa Kigali wazaba waramaze kuba igikingi cy’itsinda rito ry’abantu ku giti cyabo mu gihe kitarenze imyaka 10, byakabya ikaba 20 cyangwa 30. Uko umujyi wazagenda waguka, niko ubutaka ubusanzwe bwagenewe ubuhinzi bukaba ubu budashobora gutangwaho inkondabutaka hakurikijwe amategeko ariho, bwazagenda buhindurwamo ubwo kubakwaho maze na bwo bukigarurirwa na bene muzehe n’abambari babo. Amaherezo benshi mu bagize rubanda bazibona barimo gukodesha amazu n’abantu ku giti cyabo ku butaka bwahoze ari ubwabo cyangwa ubw’abakurambere babo.

Kubera ko abahawe inkondabutaka baba bahawe ubutaka mu buryo bwa burundu, uko iminsi izagenda ihita ni na ko ubutaka ubu bubaruye kuri rubanda mu buryo bw’ubukode burambye buzagenda bwigarurirwa na bene ingoma. Ibyo bazabigeraho bakomeza kwifashisha leta yabo haba mu guhatira abaturage kububagurisha cyangwa mu kububambura hakoreshejwe uburyo bw’amategeko abogamira ku basizwe amavuta y’ubutore, agaheza rubanda. Umuntu yakwitega ko hatagize igihinduka, mu gihe runaka kiri imbere rubanda izaba itakigira uburenganzira ubwo ari bwo bwose ku butaka; ba sebahinzi bakazaba basigaye mu rwangaro rw’igihe cyose, abanyamugisha bagatungwa no gukoropa amagorofa y’intore butore nabwo kandi babanje kubihakirwa!

Niba igihe leta ya FPR yashyiragaho amategeko y’ubutaka agenderwaho ubu itari igambiriye kugarura politiki y’IBIKINGI n’UBUHAKE, niyasubiremo maze ihe abanyarwanda uburenganzira bungana mu bihereranye n’imitungire y’ubutaka.

Amayeri no kujijisha rubanda

 

abayobozi_bitegereza_ikarita_y_akagari_ka_butare_ko_mu_murenge_wa_ngoma_ari_na_ho_hatangirije_ikwirakwizwa_ry_amakarita_y_utugari_agaragaza_uko_ubutaka_bugomba_kwifashishwa-300x185

Itegeko Ngenga No 03/2013/OL ryo kuwa 16/06/2013 rikuraho Itegeko Ngenga n° 08/2005 ryo kuwa 14/07/2005 rigena imikoreshereze n’imicungire y’ubutaka mu Rwanda mu ngingo yaryo ya 2, igika cya 11 n’icya 16 risobanura ko inkondabutaka ari ‘uburyo bwo gutunga ubutaka buha nyirabwo uburenganzira bwa burundukuri bwo‘ naho ubukode burambye (= leasehold) bukaba ‘amasezerano y’igihe kirekire Leta igirana n’umuntu kugira ngo akoreshe ubutaka anasarura ibibukomokamo, ariko akayishyura igiciro bemeranijweho‘.

Kubw’ibyo, imvugo ngo ‘mfite ubutaka‘ cyangwa ngo ‘naguze isambu‘ mu by’ukuri ikwiye gukoreshwa gusa n’abantu bahawe inkondabutaka. Abahawe impapuro izi zikunze kwitwa ‘ibyemezo bya burundu‘ nyamara ari ‘amazerano y’ubukode‘ bw’ubutaka yakozwe hagati yabo na leta, ntibakwiye gukoresha bene izo imvugo; ahubwo bakabaye bakoresha imvugo ngo ‘nkodesha ubutaka‘, ‘natisha umurima‘, ‘natijwe ikibanza‘ cyangwa ‘naragijwe isambu‘. Ibitari ibyo ni ukwihenda no kugwa mu mutego w’itekinika rya leta ya FPR. Bitinde bitebuke, n’abatabyumva neza ubu bazabisonukirwa maze bumirwe.

Ni koko, ubu abashobora kwivugaho ko batunze ubutaka mu Rwanda, ni abantu bake, bagomba kuba biganjemo intore butore, bamaze kubona impapuro nkondabutaka, nyuma yo kuba baragiranye na leta amasezerano y’UBUGURE bw’ubutaka bubatseho. Ibi bisobanura ko umubare munini w’abanyarwanda badashobora guha abana babo n’ababakomokaho umurage w’ubutaka kuko aho amasezerano y’ubukode azarangirira, leta izaba ishobora kutemera kongera kububakodesha. Abafite inkondabutaka nibo BONYINE bashobora kuraga urubyaro rwabo umutungo w’ubutaka, kuva ku bo bibyariye n’abuzukuru kugera ku bubivi n’ubuvivure n’abazakomoka kuri abo. Buri wese yakwifuza kugira uburenganzira nk’ubu. Niyo mpamvu leta nk’iya FPR, ibugenera bamwe ikabwima abandi, iramutse ivuzweho ko itabereyeho ineza ya rubanda ataba ari amakabyankuru. Ahubwo yagaragaje ko ibereyeho gutetesha intore butore, abandi bagasigara bahatanira kuba INKOMAMASHYI n’ ABATERUZI B’IBIBINDI.

Inama kuri leta ya FPR

Ihame ry’uko leta ishobora gukora ibinyuranye n’icyifuzo cy’umubare munini w’abaturage, ikabikora igamije guteza imbere bamwe, NTIRIRI MU NYUNGU ZA RUBANDA cyane cyane iyo rikoreshwa n’abiyumva ko barusha abandi UBUNYARWANDA. Ni koko kuba intore butore zibwira ko zifite ubushobozi bwo guhanga imirimo, gutekerereza abatarasizwe amavuta y’ubutore no kubabungabungira umutekano, NTIBIZIHA UBUBASHA BWO KWIGARURIRA IBYA RUBANDA. Ihame rikwiye kugenderwaho ni uko abanyarwanda bose bareshya imbere y’amategeko n’ubwo batanganya ubushbozi mu by’ubukungu. Icyemezo icyo ari cyo cyose gikwiye gushyirwa mu bikorwa ari uko gishyigikiwe na benshi mu banyarwanda kandi mu mudendezo n’ubwisanzure.

Kubw’ibyo, abayobozi bahagarariye abaturage bakwiye kuba baratowe mu bwisanzure hashingiwe ku ihame rya demokarasi mu matora ry’uko buri jwi ry’umuntu rigira agaciro nk’ak’iry’undi. Ariko kubera ubwikunde n’ubutamenya bushobora kugaragara ku rwego urwo ari rwo rwose bigatuma iryo hame ry’ibanze rya demokarasi ritubahirizwa, abaturarwanda bakeneye kuba bafite umudendezo wo kubitangaho ibitekerezo, kubyamagana no guharanira ko bihinduka kandi abanyamakuru bagashobora kubitangaza nta mususu cyangwa ubwoba bwo gutotezwa. Ibyo ni ngombwa kugirango ababa bashaka kuriganya abandi mu matora no gushyiraho politiki n’amategeko nsumbanyabantu bacibwe intege no gutinya ko rubanda yabimenya ikabiburizamo. Kuko ubu atari ko bimeze mu Rwanda, ishyaka rya FPR riramutse rishishikajwe n’ineza ya rubanda ryakora ibi bikurikira:

  1. Guhindura mu buryo bwihutirwa amategeko yose agaragaramo ivangura, hakubiyemo n’ay’ubutaka, rigamije gutanga uburenganzira bumwe kuri bose. Ikibazo cy’amategeko asumbanya abantu kimaze gukemuka, hakurikiraho kuyahuza n’ibyo rubanda yifuza. Iyo ntera ya kabiri yakorwa gusa ariko uko ubutegetsi bwa FPR buriho ubu buhinduye imikorere bukemera demokarasi n’ubwisanzure mu gutanga ibitekerezo.
  2. Gukora amavugururwa akenewe, rigafungura urubuga rwa politiki n’urw’itangazabitekerezo, rigamije gutuma amatora y’ubutaha akorwa mu mudendezo na demokarasi isesesuye. Abayobozi batorwa muri ubwo buryo bazasuzuma politiki y’ubutaka n’amategeko agenga imitungire n’imikoreshereze yabwo, bakabihuza n’ubushake bwa benshi.

 

Inama ku bahinzi n’aborozi

 

Abakoresha ubutaka bukorerwaho ubuhinzi, n’ubwo ari bo benshi mu gihugu, ntibashobora guhabwa ibyemezo by’umutungo bwite w’ubutaka. IMVUGO IKUNZE GUKORESHWA NA LETA NGO ABATURAGE NIBAJYE GUFATA IBYEMEZO BYA BURUNDU BY’UBUTAKA BWABO YUZUYEMO UBURIGANYA N’UBUHENDO BIKABIJE KUKO ICYO ABATURAGE BAHABWA ARI KONTARO Y’AMASEZERANO Y’UBUKODE, umuntu yagereranya n’inyandiko y’amasezerano yo kwatisha umurima.

Kubera ko umwuka wasunikiye FPR gushyiraho amategeko aheza rubanda mu mitungire y’ubutaka ntaho wagiye, bituma umuntu atakwitega ko izabikosora, niba ufite icyemezo cy’amasezerano y’UBUKODE bw’ubutaka wagiranye na leta ngo ubukoreshe mu buhinzi cyangwa ubworozi, ukwiye kwihatira gusobanukirwa neza ibi bikurikira:

  1. Umutungo wawe utimukanwa ugarukira GUSA ku nyubako cyangwa ibiti biri kuri ubwo butaka. UBUTAKA NYIRIZINA SI UBWAWE NA MBA.
  2. Leta ishobora kubukoresha icyo ishatse igihe cyose imyaka yagenwe mu masezerano y’ubukode mwagiranye yaba irangiye. Ariko na mbere y’uko iyo myaka irangira, leta ihisemo kubukwimuraho (= expropriation) yabikora NTA NGURANE Y’UBUTAKA cyangwa INDISHYI yabwo iguhaye. Uramutse nta nyubako cyangwa ibiti wari ubufiteho, WAGENDA AMARA MASA. Amagambo ya nyakubahwa Ndayisaba Fidèle, wari umuyobozi w’umujyi wa Kigali igihe yayavugaga, aboneka mu kinyamakuru Igihe cyo ku ya 28 Weruwe 2013, agaragaza neza igihagararo cya leta kuri iyi ngingo. Yasobanuye ko mu gihe cyo kwimurwa na leta ubutaka butishyurwa kuko ari ubwayo, maze atsindagiriza ko ibikorwa biburiho ari byo byonyine bitangirwa indishyi cyangwa ingurane.3
  3. Usanze bitabangamiye inyungu zawe mu buryo bumwe cyangwa ubundi, wagerageza kubyaza ubutaka wakodeshejwe umusaruro mwinshi ushoboka, waba inkwakuzi ukanihutira gukora ibishoboka byose ugamije gutera bya biti bibangikanywa n’ibihingwa cyangwa ishyamba ahatubatse amazu hose. Utabigenje utyo, mu gihe byaba bibaye ngombwa ko wimurwa, NTA NGURANE, NTA N’INYISHYU IYO ARI YO YOSE wakwitega guhabwa kuri aho hantu. Ariko nanone wazirikana ko leta ya FPR ifite uburyo bwinshi bwo kunyunyuza imitsi ya rubanda rw’abahinzi n’aborozi no kubajujubya, hakubiyemo n’uburenganzira bwo gufatira ubutaka ku mpamvu yishyiriyeho.4 Bityo hari ababonye ko ibyo byo gutera ibiti n’amashyamba no kubaka amazu nabyo bidahagije cyangwa ko mu mimere imwe n’imwe bishobora gusa nk’aho nta nyungu irimo, maze bahitamo gukora ibindi babona ko bitabashyira mu buja mu mayeri cyangwa ngo bibagushe mu gihombo. Ibyo ari byo byose, nyuma yo kumenya ibi, buri wese, nawe urimo, afite uburyo yagira amahitamo meza mu bihereranye n’imikoreshereze y’ubutaka YATIJWE na leta.
  4. Uramutse uhisemo guharanira ko ibintu bihinduka hagamijwe ko RUBANDA NAYO IHABWA INKONDABUTAKA waba ufashe umwanzuro nyamibwa.

 

Inama ku bubatse ku butaka bakodesha

 

Waba uri umuganga, umuhinzi, umusirikari, umupolisi, umucungamutungo, umunyapolitiki, umudipolomate, umushoferi, umunyamategeko, umunyamakuru, umwarimu, umushakashatsi…waba ukorera umushahara, wikorera ku giti cyawe, uri umushomeri cyangwa ukiri umunyeshuri…uwo waba uri we wese, URARUHIRA UBUSA NIBA NTACYO UBONA WAKORA KUGIRANGO UHABWE ICYEMEZO CY’UMUTUNGO BWITE W’UBUTAKA KURI BURI KIBANZA WUBATSEHO CYANGWA UTEGANYA KUBAKAHO. Uku ni ko kuri, n’ubwo kutaryoheye amatwi! Uraruhira ubusa niba ayo winjiza buri kwezi (bikoroheye, wiyushye akuya, bigusizemo imvune ku mubiri no mu bwonko, ugombye gutanga inyoroshyo cyangwa bishobora kuba byanaguteranije n’abavandimwe, inshuti cyangwa abafatanyabikorwa) uyashora mu bikorwa byo kubaka amazu no kugura ibibanza ku butaka bw’u Rwanda…KERETSE wenda niba ubigura ugahita ubigurisha abandi mu buryo bwo kwishakiramo inyungu ya vuba na bwangu. Ariko nabwo abo ubigurisha ari ntacyo bizabamarira ni ukubapfunyikira amazi!

Kutagira inkondabutaka mbere yo kubaka hamwe no gushidikanya ko umuntu yazayihabwa amaze kubaka ni byo byatumye abo leta y’u Bufaransa yasabaga gufatanya nabo kubaka ahahoze ikigo ndangamuco cy’u Rwanda n’u Bufaransa (Centre d’Echanges Culturels Franco-Rwandais) batabyitabira, maze amaherezo izibukira icyo kibanza. Ni koko, inkuru zo mu binyamakuru bitandukanye zigaragaza ko ubwo Ambassade y’u Bufaransa yatumiriraga abashoramari babishaka gufatanya nayo kuhubaka inzu igezweho nk’uko ubuyobozi bw’umujyi wa Kigali bwabisabaga, baciwe intege no kuba batari biteguye gushora imari yabo ku butaka bafiteho ubukode bw’imyaka 30 gusa, maze bakomeza guseta ibirenge kugeza ubwo Leta y’u Rwanda ifashe icyemezo cyo kwisubiza icyo kibanza.5 Uko ni na ko bizagenda ku banyarwanda bafite ibibanza ariko badafite amikoro yo kubyubakamo inzu ziri ku rwego leta ishaka ari nako kutagira inkondabutaka bituma nta n’undi witeguye gufatanya nabo cyangwa ngo abahe inguzanyo ihagije. Urugero, tekereza ku byabaye ku bantu bari barashoye amafaranga yabo mu gace k’ubucuruzi ko mu mujyi wa Butare kitwa ‘mu cyarabu’. Abari bahafite amazu y’ubucuruzi bahatiwe kuyafunga kuzageza igihe bazaba bamaze kuyasimbuza amagorofa agezweho! Mbese, umuntu yakwitega ko abatazabishobora bazemererwa kongera gufungura amazu yabo ngo bayakoreremo? Oya rwose. Ahubwo bashobora kuzafatwa nk’abadashoboye gukoresha neza ubutaka batijwe maze babwamburwe buhabwe abandi biteguye kubuzamuraho amagorofa nk’uko leta ibyifuza.

Clare Rant, impuguke mu by’imitungire y’imitungo itimukanwa, asobanura iby’ubukode bw’ubutaka n’inkondabutaka muri aya magambo: ‘having a leasehold [= ubukode burambye] means a person has the right to use a property for a set period of time, usuallly in return of a rent. At the end of the term, the property reverts back to the freehold owner [= nyir’inkondabutaka]. In contrast, a freehold is where the property is owned for an unlimited period of time‘. Ugenekereje mu Kinyarwanda, mu biheranye n’ubutaka, byavuga ngo ‘ukodesha yemerewe gukoresha ubutaka akodesha mu gihe runaka GIFITE IHEREZO akenshi anatanga amafaranga y’ikode. Nyuma y’icyo gihe uburengazira bwose bwo kubukoresha busubizwa nyirabwo ubufiteho inkondabutaka‘.6 Emma Lunn, umwanditsi w’inkuru y’ikinyamakuru The Guardian yo ku ya 3 Gashyantare 2013 yunze mu rya Clare Rant yifashishije amagambo ya Sebastian O’Kelly, umuvugizi w’ikigo cyazobereye mu by’ubukode burambye, Leasehold Knowledge Partnership, aho asobanura impamvu zo kwitondera iby’ubukode ku mitungo itimukanwa agira ati: ‘naïve leaseholders buy a flat and think that –more or less– they have bought the equivalent of a freehold home. In fact, they have bought a long-term rental…’, bishatse gusobanura ngo ‘abatereba kure bashobora kwibeshya ko kugura ikibanza gikoreshwa mu buryo bw’ubukode bihwanye no kugura ubutaka mu buryo bwa burundu, nyamara baba bibeshya kuko icyo baba baguze ari ubwo bukode nyine bw’igihe runaka‘.7

Inama ni uko warushaho gushakisha uburyo wabonamo inkondabutaka. Kubera ko utakwitega ko bizakorohera kubigeraho cyane ko uwahisemo kuzigenera bamwe akazima abandi ntaho yagiye kandi nta n’ikigaragaza ko azisubiraho agaha abanyarwanda bose uburenganzira bungana. Ushobora gusanga wakungukirwa kurushaho no guharanira ko ibintu bihinduka, maze RUBANDA NAYO IGAHABWA INKONDABUTAKA, aho gukomeza kugoka wubaka ku musenyi. Ni koko kubaka ku butaka udashobora kubonaho inkondabutaka ni ukubaka ku musenyi kubera ko, niba bitaranatangira, igihe kizagera ubwo abantu bazajya baha agaciro amazu yubatswe hakurikijwe imyaka isigaye ngo ubukode bw’ikibanza yubatseho irangire, nk’uko bigenda ahandi.5, 6

Inama ku mpirimbanyi za demokarasi

 

Bimaze kugaragara ko leta ya FPR igenda ihigika rubanda ku bintu ubusanzwe abaturage bakagombye kuba bafiteho uburenganzira ntayegayezwa. Kubera izo mpamvu, Impirimbanyi za demokarasi n’abandi bafite uburyo bwo gucukumbura no gutangaza uburiganya, ubusambo n’ubuhendo bwa FPR mu bintu binyuranye bigize imibereho y’abanyarwanda, bashobora kwiringira badashidikanya ko nibakoresha ubwo buryo bafite bagafasha rubanda gutahura aho ikwiye kugira amakenga, abanyarwanda batazabura kubibashimira. By’umwihariko, abashobora kubona amakuru yimbitse ku mitangire y’impapuromamo z’ubutaka bazakore icyegeranyo cy’umubare w’abamaze kubona impapuro nkondabutaka n’abatarazibona cyangwa batanemerewe kuzihabwa muturere twose tw’igihugu kandi babitangarize rubanda. Nanone, hazasobanurwe icyo leta ya FPR iba igamije iyo ifashe icyemezo cyo gukura za hegitari z’ubutaka runaka mu mutungo RUSANGE w’igihugu ikabushyira mu mutungo BWITE wayo, niba atari ukwishyiriraho uburyo bwo kuzarangira ibuhaye intore butore zayo (reba itangazo ry’ibyemezo by’inama y’abaminisitiri idasanzwe yo ku wa 24 Kamena 2016, ingingo ya 9, umurongo wa 4)!8 Mu gihe ibyo bitaraba, abirya bakimara ngo bubake mu bibanza bafiteho uburenganzira bw’ubukode gusa bakwiye kubanza kwibaza niba leta izafata inyumbako zabo nk’izabahesha inkodabutaka. Naho ubundi, kwigora wubaka inzu ku kibanza ufiteho uburenganzira bw’ubukode bw’imyaka makumyabiri cyangwa mirongo itatu gusa, ntibitanga icyizere cyane cyane ku muntu uzi neza imikorere ya FPR!

NOTES

*Seburanga J. Leonard ni umwalimu wahindutse impirimbanyi, umwenegihugu wahindutse impunzi, rubanda rugufi wiyemeje gukora politiki. Inyandiko z’ubushakashatsi yakoze zigaragara mu bitangazamakuru mpuzamahanga, birimo ibitangazwa na Elsevier, Springer, Taylor & Francis n’abandi. Yigishaga akanakora ubushakashatsi muri Kaminuza y’u Rwanda kugeza ahunze ubutegetsi bw’igitugu mu Ugushyingo 2015. Ubu aba mu gihugu cy’u Bubiligi.

1Itegeko Ngenga n° 08/2005 ryo kuwa 14/07/2005 rigena Imikoreshereze n’Imicungire y’Ubutaka mu Rwanda ryasimbuwe n’Itegeko Ngenga No 03/2013/OL ryo kuwa 16/06/2013. Nyamara iri tegeko rishya mu ngingo yaryo ya 3 riteganya ko ‘mu gihe atarahindurwa, amategeko, amateka n’amabwiriza yashyiraga mu bikorwa Itegeko Ngenga n° 08/2005 ryo kuwa 14/07/2005 rigena imikoreshereze n’imicungire y’ubutaka mu Rwanda akomeza kubahirizwa mu ngingo zayo zose zitanyuranije n’itegeko rigenga ubutaka mu Rwanda‘.

2Rwanda Natural Resources Authority, 2016. Land transfers in 2015. Retrieved from:http://www.rnra.rw/fileadmin/user_upload/documents/land_doc/Land_Transfers_by_District_in_2015.pdf(last accessed 14 June 2016).

3Eugenie Umuhoza, 28 Werurwe 2013. Kigali: abagera ku bihumbi 10 bagiye kwimurwa nta ngurane y’ubutaka. Byakuwe kuri: http://www.igihe.com/amakuru/u-rwanda/kigali-abagera-ku-bihumbi-10-bagiye-kwimurwa-nta-ngurane-y-ubutaka.html (last accessed 15 June 2016).

4Ingingo ya 15 y’amasezerano y’ubukode igira iti: ‘Nk’uko biteganywa n’Itegeko Ngenga cyangwa itegeko rigena uburyo indishyi itangwa ku butaka bukodeshejwe cyangwa bwataye agaciro, Leta igomba guha Ukodesha indishyi ikwiye mu gihe cya vuba. Ukodesha ntabwo ahabwa indishyi igihe ubutaka bufatiriwe hakurijwe ibiteganywa n’Umutwe wa VI w’Itegeko Ngenga‘ (Reba ku ipaji y’inyuma y’urupapuro rwanditseho ngo ‘AMASEZERANO Y’UBUKODE BURAMBYE’ mu zigize ibyangombwa by’ubutaka wahawe n’Urwego rw’Umubitsi w’Impapurompamo z’Ubutaka).

5Pierre Boissolet, 4 Juillet 2014. Rwanda : le centre culturel franco-rwandais de Kigali démoli à la pelleteuse. Tiré de: http://www.jeuneafrique.com/51106/politique/rwanda-le-centre-culturel-franco-rwandais-de-kigali-d-emoli-la-pelleteuse (last accessed 29 May 2016)>>.

6Clare Rant, 14 October 2011. What’s the difference between leasehold and freehold? Retrieved from:http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/property/advice/propertyclinic/8824968/Whats-the-difference-between-leasehold-and-freehold.html (last accessed 16 June 2016).

7Emma Lunn, 3 February 2013. Beware the ‘cheaper’ leasehold option that could cost more in the long run. Retrieved from: https://www.theguardian.com/money/2013/feb/03/beware-lease-hold-cost-more (last acessed 16 June 2016).

8Igihe, 24 Kamena 2016. Itangazo ry’ibyemezo by’inama y’abaminisitiri idasanzwe yo ku wa 24 Kamena 2016. Byakuwe kuri: http://www.igihe.com/politiki/amakuru/article/itangazo-ry-ibyemezo-by-inama-y-abaminisitiri-idasanzwe-yo-ku-wa-24-kamena-2016 (last accessed 9 July 2016).

Source:Seburanga Jean Léonard

 

The IMF and the World Bank Should Say No To Cronyism in Rwanda — Open Letter to Ms. Christine Lagarde and Dr. Jim Yong Kim

KCCAugust 5, 2016

Ms. Christine Lagarde, Managing Director, The International Monetary Fund, 700 19th St NW, Washington, DC 20431, United States

Dr. Jim Yong Kim, President of the World Bank, 1818 H St NW, Washington, DC 20433, United States

Dear Ms. Lagarde and Dr. Kim,

RE: Cronyism will plunge Rwanda into chaos if left unchecked by the country’s financiers

I begin my letter by thanking you for supporting my home country, Rwanda. In 2016 alone, your two agencies will lend Rwanda nearly a half billion dollars — the World Bank’s loans and grants amount USD285 million while the IMF’s Standby credit totals USD204 million.

The purpose of this open letter, however, is about cronyism in Rwanda. Case in point is the Kigali Convention Centre (KCC), financed by the larger part of the USD400 million Eurobond the Kagame government raised in 2013. Shockingly, a company by the name of Prime Holdings Ltd is a major shareholder with 50% shares.

Now, Prime Holdings Ltd’s notoriety is documented in the IMF’s records, as I discovered when researching for my new book, Kagame’s Economic Mirage(2016). Back in 2006, the IMF concluded that Rwanda’s “adherence to conditionality was poor” because, among other things, “the publication of Prime Holdings’ audit was not met.” At the time, Rwanda was building two major hotels that would be the launchpad of its tourism business. Prime Holdings Ltd was in charge of this project.

In response to the IMF’s findings, the Kagame government admitted that Prime Holdings was corrupt and should not be in business. In a letter dated May 18, 2006, to the then IMF’s Managing Director, Mr. Rodrigo de Rato y Figaredo, Rwanda’s Finance Minister, James Musoni, and Governor of the National Bank of Rwanda, Francois Kanimba, described Prime Holdings Ltd as follows:

“With a view to enhancing transparency related to Prime Holdings’ two hotels, we have published a financial audit and business plan of Prime Holdings in December 2005 (missed end-September performance criterion). As the auditors concluded that “it was not possible to determine if proper books of account were kept by the hotels”, we have canceled the contract with the management company and are in negotiations with the Intercontinental group to take on the management of the hotels.”

So now, how does the discredited Prime Holdings Ltd which the Kagame government terminated a decade ago reemerge to own 50% of KCC? That is not all. Crystal Ventures Ltd (CVL) is also a shareholder in KCC. Owned by the ruling party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), CVL is synonymous with cronyism in Rwanda. Without government contracts in building roads, chartering executive jets to President Paul Kagame, or constructing a stadium for a local municipality, CVL would collapse. CVL is the most critical deterrent to domestic and foreign investment in Rwanda — and explains why Rwanda’s top rankings in the World Bank’s Doing Business indicators hardly make a difference.

There is no question that we are witnessing in KCC entrenched cronyism via state capture by the ruling elite in Rwanda. Prime Holdings Ltd is a shadowy front. It does not have an address or website. Prime Holdings’ premises in Kimihurura were turned into military officers’ quarters by President Kagame in 2009. Rwandans thought we had seen the last of this mafia-like company, only to reemerge, in control of even much larger assets — KCC.

As Rwanda’s leading financiers, the IMF and the World Bank have an obligation to hold the Kagame government accountable to transparency. We urge your two agencies to leverage your lending and surveillance powers to intervene before Rwanda’s ruling elite bankrupts the nation.

At the very least, the government of Rwanda should explain how, when, and why it resuscitated Prime Holdings Ltd, after assuring the IMF that the corrupt company closed ten years ago.

Most Sincerely,

David Himbara

Source: https://medium.com/@dhimbara