Monthly Archives: September 2014

U.S. Urges Burundi and Rwanda to Investigate Deaths


Press Statement

Jen Psaki
Department Spokesperson
Washington, DC
September 25, 2014

The United States expresses its deep concern regarding the discovery of a number of corpses in July and August of this year, some bound and wrapped in plastic, in Lake Rweru, which borders Burundi and Rwanda. We note that several countries also raised their concern about these deaths during the Interactive Dialogue with the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances that was held in conjunction with the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva on September 12.

We urgently call on the Burundian and Rwandan Governments to conduct a prompt, thorough, and impartial and concerted investigation of these deaths with the assistance of independent, international forensic experts.

We firmly believe that these victims deserve to be identified, their families deserve to know their fate, and those responsible should be brought to justice.

Source:US Department of State



Media Note

Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
September 24, 2014

As part of the effort to counter the threats posed by foreign terrorist fighters, the Department of State has designated ten individuals and two groups as Specially Designated Global Terrorists (SDGT) under Executive Order (E.O.) 13224, which imposes sanctions and penalties on terrorists and those providing support to terrorists or acts of terrorism. As a result of the designations, all property subject to U.S. jurisdiction in which these individuals or groups have any interest is blocked and U.S. persons are generally prohibited from engaging in any transactions with them or to their benefit.

Formed in February 2013, Jaish al-Muhajireen wal-Ansar (JAMWA) is a Chechen-led terrorist organization based in Syria that consists primarily of foreign fighters. Cooperating with other violent extremist organizations in Syria, including al-Nusrah Front and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), JAMWA has launched deadly assaults against civilian communities, and kidnapped civilians and other foreigners in Syria.

Formed in August 2013, Harakat Sham al-Islam (HSI) is a Moroccan-led terrorist organization operating in Syria principally composed of foreign fighters. HSI has carried out terrorist attacks and engaged in kidnappings against civilians with other violent extremist organizations in Syria, including al-Nusrah Front.

As of mid-July 2014, Amru al-Absi was selected as ISIL’s provincial leader for Homs, Syria, in the Aleppo region. As a principal leader of ISIL in Syria, he has been in charge of kidnappings.

Salim Benghalem is a Syria-based French extremist and ISIL member, who carries out executions on behalf of the group. In 2007, Salim was convicted and sentenced to prison in France for a 2001 murder. Today, Benghalem is the subject of a European arrest warrant because of his activities on behalf of ISIL.

In May 2013, Mohammed Abdel-Halim Hemaida Saleh was arrested in Egypt by authorities for plotting to attack Western embassies in Cairo. Saleh is a member of al-Qa’ida and believes in conducting attacks against American and Israeli interests. As of mid-2013, Saleh had been recruiting suicide bombers to send to Syria and had been planning terrorist activities against unspecified targets in Europe.

Lavdrim Muhaxheri is a Kosovar Albanian foreign fighter for ISIL who operates in both Syria and Iraq. Muhaxheri made international headlines in July 2014 after uploading to Facebook graphic photos of himself beheading a young man.

Murad Margoshvili is a well-known Chechen leader in Syria who built a terrorist training base in Syria near the Turkish border, where newly arrived foreign fighters received combat training. He is also the leader of Junud al-Sham, a militant group that fights alongside other extremist groups in Syria.

Nusret Imamovic is a Bosnian terrorist leader operating in Syria. After his arrival, Imamovic actively supported violent extremism, and is now believed to be fighting with al-Nusrah Front.

Muhannad al-Najdi is a Syria-based al-Qa’ida facilitator of Saudi nationality. Prior to traveling to Syria in 2013, al-Najdi was involved in facilitation and operational planning in support of attacks in Afghanistan. Since at least 2010, al-Najdi has also been involved in the development of improvised explosive devices (IEDs) for use in Afghanistan and Syria.

Abdessamad Fateh, also known as Abu Hamza, is a member of a Scandinavia-based network of extremists allegedly linked to al-Qa’ida, and has traveled to Syria.

Abd al-Baset Azzouz has had a presence in Afghanistan, the United Kingdom, and Libya. He was sent to Libya in 2011 by al-Qa’ida leader Ayman al-Zawahiri to build a fighting force there, and mobilized approximately 200 fighters. He is considered a key operative capable of training al-Qa’ida recruits in a variety of skills, such as IED construction.

Maalim Salman was chosen by now-deceased al-Shabaab leader Ahmed Abdi aw-Mohamed (aka Godane) to be the head of African foreign fighters for al-Shabaab. He has trained foreign nationals who were seeking to join al-Shabaab as foreign fighters, and has been involved in operations in Africa targeting tourists, “entertainment establishments,” and churches.

Additionally, the Department of State has nominated several previously-designated foreign terrorist fighters and related entities at the UN 1267/1989 al-Qa’ida Sanctions Committee, including Abdallah Azzam Brigades, Ansar al-Shari’a in Tunisia, Seifallah Ben Hassine, Ibrahim Suleiman Hamad Al-Hablain, Ahmed Abdullah Saleh al-Khazmari al-Zahrani, Azzam Abdullah Zureik Al-Maulid Al-Subhi, and Anders Cameroon Ostensvig Dale. Maalim Salman was also listed at the UN Somalia Sanctions Committee today.

Source:US State Department



Andrew M. Mwenda is Ugandan journalist who served at the Monitor after founding his owner newspaper the Independent under direct support of kagame’s regime. Why this journalist decided to work and be Kagame’s publicisit? This is another question with a direct answer. The guy was targeting to collect more and more shillings from kagame’s classified account.

Andrew Mwenda is am a journalist who loves where there is a conflict. As a fact, I remember the time when Ouganda (M7) was not in same line with Rwanda (Kagame). This journalist Andrew Mwenda was collecting Rwandan taxpayer’s money by the simple pretext that he can provide any piece of information from M7’s intelligence to Dr Ndahiro Emmanuel who was the head of kagame’s intelligence.

Now, if I can quote one Rwandan writer under names of Rusoke William, Andrew Mwenda is unethical journalist. This can be justified by the way this kagame’s son lives on what he sourced from sowing conflicts. Today, the guy adopted another strategy of harassing some Rwandan refugees by forging different arguments against them. On 22nd September 2014, this journalist dedicated a page to Dr David Himbara as another strategy of praising his boss Kagame. As noted, the journalist mixed up different issues including:

1) Groups where Kagame belongs and influential global leaders who are kagame’s friends but the journalist failed to mention the group in which he can appear;

2) Economic growth but the journalist failed to mention how he is among those who helps Kagame to grab that poor economy,

3) David Himbara as man who wish to be a Rwandan president but the journalist failed to mention where David Himbara served as a politician or a strategist in development,

4) Different statistical data, but the journalist failed to mention his clear basis of his statement.

I think if this journalist loves Rwanda and all Rwandans not only Paul Kagame, he should do or write on the following:

1) Current arrests and disappearances now happening in Rwanda;
2) political crisis fueled by kigali regime
3) Rwandan economic crisis characterized by high rate of inflation and unemployment
4) How RSSB is failing on its mission especially in medical insurance,
5) Fires of each and every minute in Rwanda,
6) Etc…..

 Peter Urayeneza

FDLR echoes JK’s advise to kagame


A pile of arms surrendered by FDLR fighters in eastern Congo earlier this year.

As Rwanda pushes for military action against the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) even before the six-months deadline for the group’s disarming expires, the Hutu rebel faction has outlined fresh conditions for what it calls lasting peace solutions in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), The Citizen has learnt.

Kigali has been calling for a military offensive against FDLR, which has been operating freely in eastern Congo for two decades, but Tanzania, South Africa and DRC maintain that no military action should be taken until the deadline expires. The stance is also supported by the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC). The deadline for the voluntary disarmament of FDLR fighters is December, this year, according to details gathered by The Citizen.

Both SADC and the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) want the deadline to elapse before military action is taken against FDLR.

DRC wants the FDLR fighters who want to surrender to do so now or face military action after the deadline expires. The DRC government wants FDLR fighters who surrender to be repatriated to a transit camp in Kisangani, about 900km from South and North Kivu areas where the rebels are based.

But, according to details obtained by The Citizen, Rwanda and the UN want military action now and are strongly opposed to the six-month deadline.

So far, only 183 fighters have surrendered with less than 200 weapons, mostly old guns, handed in.

But in their letter addressed to the SADC chairman, President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, FDLR, among other things, says it would not move its former combatants from Eastern Kivu to Kisangani as agreed earlier.

FDLR says between 2001 and 2002, when its fighters disarmed to pave the way for peace in war-torn DRC, the former combatants were attacked, killed and others forcibly repatriated to Rwanda.

All this, claims FDLR in the letter signed by Major General Byiringiro Victor, who is the president of the rebel faction, happened under the watch of UN peacekeeping forces (Monusco) and Congolese and Rwandese military officers.

Alarmed by what transpired in the past, FDLR has issued key conditions that should be fulfilled if Rwanda, DRC and the international community want lasting peace in eastern Congo.

  • First, the rebel faction wants SADC to be actively involved in the whole peace process by being at the forefront of the efforts.
  • Secondly, the group wants SADC and the African Union (AU) to plead on its behalf in persuading the European Union, United States of America, United Kingdom and Canada to support the peace process in eastern Congo.
  • The third condition, according to the letter obtained by The Citizen, is SADC and AU to make use of both their respective diplomatic and strategic positions and persuade both the US and the UN Security Council to put more pressure on Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame to accept political dialogue between his government and the Hutu rebels.

The US, EU and United Nations still maintain that FDLR is a rebel faction, which, apart from being accused of playing a role in 1994 genocide, has also committed atrocities in eastern Congo during the past two decades.

The Citizen could not independently establish whether Rwanda would accept the proposal to have a political dialogue with FDLR.

When President Jakaya Kikwete suggested that it was time Mr Kagame launched political dialogue with FDLR, Kigali vehemently rejected the idea, straining relations between the two countries.

In its letter, the rebel faction says it is worth noting that the Rwandan problem is a political problem and therefore its solution is not military action, but political dialogue.

It is not clear why FDLR has changed its tone from an armed rebellion to political dialogue, bearing in mind that the group has in the past two decades been fighting to overthrow the Kigali regime.

A senior security officer in the Tanzania government told The Citizen on condition of anonymity, “Our position is that no military action should be taken before the deadline expires…after the expiry then we would make a decision.

“Our problem is that after we defeated the M23, the FDLR rebels, having sensed that they were the next target, decided to abandon combats and use locals as human shields. This situation complicates the military action process because you can’t fight them without killings innocent civilians.”

Last December, a Tutsi-dominated rebel faction known as M23 was militarily dismantled, ending 18 months of fighting in eastern Congo.

The M23 rebel faction, also known as Congolese Revolutionary Army, which was mainly formed by former National Congress for Defence of the People (CNDP) fighters led by Brigadier General Sultan Makenga and General Bosco Ntaganda, mutinied against the Kinshasa regime early in January 2012 and sparked a crisis that lasted for nearly two years.

But the group opted for peaceful means to attain their political goals in DRC following a sustained offensive by the UN Intervention Brigade.

Following the defeat, SADC and ICGLR leaders agreed that the focus should now be on FDLR and other rebel forces that have destabilized eastern Congo for years. Although there are about a dozen rebel factions in eastern Congo alone, FDLR is the most resilient, having operated from Congo for two decades during which it collected taxes and controlled illegal mining activities to fund its operations.

What is the FDLR?

According to documented evidence, FDLR rose from the ashes of the 1994 genocide perpetrators to form a strong Hutu extremist army, thanks to the free handout and safe heaven provided by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees in the DRC’s Kivu Province.

The assassination of former Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana in 1994 opened the bloody chapter of the massacre of over 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus, sparking a full-scale offensive by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) led by Mr Kagame. The formation of FDLR was spearheaded by, among others, Theoneste Bogosora, said to be among the chief architects of the genocide, and General Augustine Bizimungu who was chief of staff of the Rwandese army during the genocide.

At the time of Habyarimana’s assassination, RPF fighters were just 40km outside Kigali, waiting for the implementation of the Arusha peace accord, which, among other things, would have given the Tutsi rebels key positions within the transition government that was to have been announced by Habyarimana.

After months of fierce battle, RPF ended three months of genocide, but also sparked the exodus of refugees who fled Rwanda fearing retaliation by the RPF regime.

In July 1994, an average of 12,000 Rwandan refugees, mainly Hutus, entered DRC every hour through the town of Goma, fleeing the RPF soldiers who had just toppled the Rwandan regime. Among those fleeing were soldiers and Hutu militia known as Interahamwe.

sOURCE:The citizen

Increasing arrests and disappearances rattle Rwandans

Fear is growing in Rwanda as top members of the military are arrested and ordinary people disappear. President Kagame appears to be determined to stifle all opposition. Human rights organizations are alarmed.

President Paul Kagame

About a month ago, in late July 2014, Rwandan president Paul Kagame reshuffled his cabinet. He said a reorganization would bring about a better working climate and promote development and wealth in the East African country. The move triggered a series of events which quickly attracted the attention of international human rights organizations. One such event was the news on Monday (25.08.2014) that three high-ranking members of the armed forces had been arrested, including Rwandan Defense Force Colonel Tom Byabagamba. The reason given for his arrest: crimes against state security.

What is new about this is that it is no longer just supporters of the opposition who find themselves targeted by police, but also people considered to be allies of President Kagame. “Support for him in his own ranks is disappearing rapidly,” Gerd Hankel, an expert in international law at the Hamburg Institute for Social Research, said in an interview with DW. “Kagame is highly controversial. What was promised to the Rwandans and to his own close circle, has not been fulfilled. People are waiting for clear signs of progress.”

Such signs could be a willingness to share power or steps towards a general democratization, Hankel added. But Kagame, who has been in power for 14 years, and his country seem far removed from such prospects.

A newspaper seller in Kigali‘There are no longer any free media in Rwanda’

“We have been closely observing the situation experienced by human rights activists, members of the opposition and also the Rwandan media for several years,” said Gesinde Ames from the Ecumenical Network for Central Africa, an association of German church organizations. “There are no longer any free media in Rwanda,” Ames said. “There is a state organ which is under strict control. And it is the same with opposition movements.” Any attempts to counter Kagame by establishing new political parties were quickly stifled, with “party leaders arrested and sentenced to life imprisonment,” Ames told DW.

People ‘don’t just disappear’

Any meaningful opposition has been reduced to a single party, the Democratic Green Party, which is frequently the target of initimidation attempts. Party leader Damascene Munyeshyaka has been missing since June. The government denies any involvement.

Minister for Internal Security Sheik Mussa Harerimana plays down the case. “These are just accusations intended to tarnish the government’s reputation. People don’t just disappear here,” he told DW. “But there are people who are in prison as the result of criminal activities. While they are in detention awaiting trial, it seems that relatives claim they have disappeared.”

US-based human rights watchdog Human Rights Watch (HRW) sees this differently. A recent report says that dozens of Rwandans have gone missing since March this year. HRW accuses the Rwandan army and police of removing critics of the Kagame regime.

For years observers have criticized moves to suppress any opposition and increasing acts of intimidation. International law expert Hankel says recent events show this has clearly intensified. According to Hankel, Kagame’s enemies are no longer to be found abroad, such as the Rwandan Hutu FDLR militia (Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda), but close to Kagame himself. “There is a large group of politicians who are not happy with the course Kagame is taking but who have no opportunity of articulating this in public. And so conspiratorial groups are created.”

Diplomacy takes a one-sided view

Members of the Rwandan policeRwandan police are said to be involved in ‘disappearances’ of Kagame critics

Internationally, Rwanda’s economic successes and victories in the battle against corruption are highly praised. But, says Hankel, this is an incomplete picture. “What is not seen is that nothing has changed for ordinary Rwandans. Wealth is concentrated in the hands of just a few.”

Gesine Ames from the Ecumenical Network for Central Africa calls for more straight talking from Europe and from Germany in particular. There is a need for “more discussions between Rwanda and donor nations, especially concerning the human rights situation,” she said. “Human rights are universal and Rwanda must also respect them. The international community has an obligation to remind Rwanda of this.”

Source: DW

“Turasaba Leta y’u Rwanda na l’ ONU gushaka inzira z’ukuri zatuma Abanyarwanda babona amahoro”: CLIIR


Ku nshuro ya 30, Isi irizihiza umunsi mukuru washyizweho na ONU buri 21 Nzeri wahariwe amahoro y’abatuye Isi. Kuri iyi nshuro intego n’inyito bya ONU yahaye iyi sabukuru ikaba ari uko « Abaturage bafite uburenganzira ku mahoro n’umutekano ».

Ikigo giharanira kurwanya umuco wo kudahana no kurenganya mu Rwanda (CLIIR) wongeye kunga mu rya ONU wibutsa abayobozi b’U Rwanda ko abanyarwanda bafite uburenganzira bahabwa n’amategeko bwo kugira umutekano n’amahoro bisesuye.

Amahoro aba ku giti cy’umuntu : Umuntu agomba guhabwauburengazira bushobotse mu mibereho ye n’abandi atabangamiye rubanda nkuko nawe atakwifuriza uwamubangamira. Iryo rikaba ihame ridakuka mu Rwanda.

Amahoro ntagurwa kugirango aboneke : Buri muntu agomba kuyiyumvamo, akayaha uwo begeranye noneho amahoro agakwira hose, akanashyigikirwa kuburyo burambye.

Amahoro na Demokarasi birajyana : Iyo kimwe kibuze, ikindi kirahungabana. Ababuze Amahoro na Demokarasi bagatahwa n’ubwoba butuma batagira amahoro yo mu mitima no ku mibiri nkuko bimeze mu Rwanda rw’ubungubu.

Nkuko bigaragagara mu Rwanda nta mahoro akibarizwayo kuko ubona abaturarwanda ntayo bafite. Ibyo bikagaragazwa no guhunga, gushimutwa, kwicwa, ubwoba, urwikekwe gufungwa bya hato na hato, umwana yikanga nyina, umubyeyi akikanga umwana we, inzangano zibarizwa mu miryango abavukana barihakana, …

Ibyo byose birangwa mu gihugu cy’u Rwanda ni ikimenyetso cy’imiyoborere n’ubutegetsi bubi budakorera abaturage, budashishikajwe n’iterambere nyakuri, budatanga amahoro kubo bwakagombye kuyaha. Ntibwubahiriza amasezerano mpuzamahanga bashyizeho umukono n’amahame remezo ya Demokarasi.

CLIIR rero ikaba iboneyeho, gusaba Leta y’U Rwanda, abayobozi bayo, n’umuryango wa ONU gufata iy’ibanze mu gushaka inzira zose z’ukuri Abaturarwanda babona amahoro n’umutekano bisesuye nkuko ari uburenganzira ntakuka bahabwa n’amategeko.

Bikorewe i Buruseli,
21 Nzeri 2014

Alain Duval MUSONI
Komisseri ushinzwe uburenganzira bwa kiremwa muntu

US disturbed by conviction and sentencing of Professor Ilham Tohti


Press Statement

John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
September 23, 2014

The United States is deeply disturbed that Ilham Tohti has been convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment.

Peaceful dissent is not a crime.

This harsh sentence appears to be retribution for Professor Tohti’s peaceful efforts to promote human rights for China’s ethnic Uighur citizens.

Ilham Tohti is known to the world for his many years working to foster mutual understanding, tolerance, and dialogue to peacefully promote harmony and unity between Uighurs and Han Chinese. His detention silenced an important moderate Uighur voice.

Mr. Tohti and those like him are indispensable in helping to resolve the underlying causes of unrest and violence. Silencing them can only make tensions worse.

I have raised Professor Tohti’s case repeatedly, including during the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue in July. Ambassador Baucus reiterated our calls for Professor Tohti’s release just last week during his visit to Xinjiang. And we again urge the Chinese authorities to release Professor Tohti, as well as his students who remain in detention.

They deserve the protections and freedoms to which they are entitled under China’s international human rights commitments and its own constitution.

Differentiating between peaceful dissent and violent extremism is vital to any effective efforts to counter terrorism.

Source: US State Department

Un salut ému aux trois missionnaires assassinées

Des milliers de personnes à la Messe de funérailles dans le sanctuaire du Mont Sion Gikungu dans les faubourgs de Bujumbura

Sœur Olga Raschietti, sœur Lucia Pulici et sœur Bernardetta Boggian, les trois missionnaires salésiennes tuées entre dimanche dernier et lundi dans leur couvent de Kamange, dans la banlieue de la capitale burundaise Bujumbura, reposeront à partir d’aujourd’hui dans le cimetière de Panzi, non loin de Bukavu, le chef-lieu du Sud Kivu, dans l’est de la République démocratique du Congo, leur précédente terre de mission.

Ayant explicitement fait ce choix, en effet, les trois sœurs, toutes originaires de Parme, resteront dans le cimetière qui accueille déjà beaucoup d’autres missionnaires, hommes et femmes, qui comme elles ont engagé – et souvent sacrifié – leur vie en Afrique. Des milliers de personnes ont rendu hommage hier(11/09/2014) après-midi dans le sanctuaire du Mont Sion Gikungu, dans les faubourgs de Bujumbura, aux trois cercueils blancs alignés devant l’autel de l’église où a été célébrée la Messe d’obsèques. A cette occasion, les trois sœurs ont été saluées par toute la population de façon unanime et émue, reconnaissante pour leur action missionnaire, particulièrement précieuse dans un pays déchiré par les conflits depuis plusieurs décennies entre hutus et tutsis. A Kamange se trouve en effet un centre pour les jeunes fondé par les congrégations xaviériennes masculines et féminines pour promouvoir la cohabitation entre ethnies différentes. Des paroles de paix et de refus de tout esprit de vengeance contre l’auteur du délit – un déséquilibré, semble-t-il, sans aucun mobile idéologique ou religieux – ont retenti pendant l’homélie de l’archevêque de Bujumbura, S.Exc. Mgr Evariste Ngoyagoye, qui a concélébré la Messe avec plusieurs évêques et des centaines de prêtres, séculiers et religieux.

– See more at:

DUSANGIRIJAMBO : Undebye nabi kuko ngize neza ?

I.Urufunguzo rwo kumva amasomo ya Liturjiya y’uyu munsi

Ubutumwa bukomeye bw’uyu munsi,  ni ugusaba abashaka Imana n’umutima utaryarya kwemera guhindura imyumire : Imana ntitekereza nk’abantu, ntikora nkatwe .  “Ibitekerezo byanyu si byo byanjye, n’inzira zanjye si zo zanyu, uwo ni Uhoraho ubivuze “.

IKIBAZO :Aho idatekereza nkatwe ni he ?

IGISUBIZO : Mu by’ukuri icyo tudakunze kumvikanaho n’Uhoraho Imana ni ikintu gikomeye, ni imyumire (logique)y’UBUTABERA .

Twebwe ibintu byose tubyubakira ku “mibare y’indoke”(logique calculatrice), tukemera gusa ko Imana iduha ibyiza byayo kubera ko twabikoreye (logique du merite), mbese nka bariya bakozi bo ku isaha ya mbere bumva aribo bagomba guhembwa neza kurusha abaje nyuma. Byumvikane neza: Abakozi bo ku isaha ya mbere barahembwe, bahembwa neza, bahabwa umushahara ubashimishije, umushahara bari bumvikanyeho na shebuja. Akabazo bagize gusa ni uko n’ABANDI( abakoze amasaha make), nabo bahembwe neza. Ubuntu bwagiriwe abandi nibwo badashaka ! Aho bukera barajya mu myigaragambyo ! Barareba Nyirumurima nabi kuko agize neza!Niko abantu bakora.

Koko rero twibuke : Jonasi yarivumbuye kuko Uhoraho yababariye bwangu ibyigomeke byo mu mugi wa NINIVI. Abafarizayi bahoraga bivumbura kuri Yezu kuko yakiraga abanyabyaha bazwi na bose akanasangira nabo . Abakozi bo ku isaha ya mbere barinubira guhabwa igihembo kingana n’icy’abasongarere baje ku kazi bagakora isaha imwe gusa….

Ntidushobora kwiyumvisha ukuntu Uhoraho Imana we ahitamo kwibera Umugiraneza,Umunyempuhwe,Umunyabuntu kuri bose, ku babikwiye n’abatabikwiye ! Iyi mitekerereze ye ikomeje kutubera inshoberabantu !


Iyo twumvise ko Imana ishobora kugwira neza n’abicanyi batumaze, barimo ba NZIZA na ba KAGAME…. bidukura umutima,tukababazwa n’uko Imana itabahinduye ibivume ngo bazapfane agahiri n’agahinda kubera ibikorwa by’ubugome bakoreye rubanda ! “Uguhoora ni ukw’Imana “, ariko ntituyitegerezeho uguhoora gusesa amaraso !

Nibyumvikane rero ko uguhoora k’Uhoraho gushingiye ku  gutegereza ubutarambirwa ko buri wese muri twe yahinduaka akareka inzira y’ubugizibwanabi : ” Umugome nareke inzira ye,n’umugiranabi areke ibitekerezo bye.Nagarukire Uhoraho uzamwereka impuhwe ze,ahindukirire Imana ikenutse ku mbabazi “. Ubundi se Uhoraho Imana yitaye ku byaha byacu ni nde warokoka ?

Inyigisho :

1.Nitugire bwangu tuzibukire iyobokamana ridashyitse. Twitwerera Uhoraho Imana ibitekerezo n’imikorere bitari ibye. Twitegereza ko ariwe uzaduhorera akatwicira abaduhemukiye. Yenda bo bazishyira mu kagozi kubera ubukunguzi bwabo ariko si Uhoraho Imana uzaba abagiriye nabi . We yifuza ko BOSE bahinduka, bakarokoka.

2.Mu gihe igihugu kiri mu kaga kubera ko cyaguye mu maboko y’abagizi ba nabi babigize umwuga, witegereza ko Imana yonyine ariyo izabatwamururaho. Nitudashikama ngo twisuganye mu buryo bwa politiki,twitange tutitangiriye itama mu guharanira uburenganzira bwacu n’ubw’abacu,nibiba ngombwa turwane inkundura…. Umwana w’umuntu azahindukira Kagame n’abameze nka we bagitegeka u Rwanda !

3.Dufatanye gusabira cyane abanyarwanda batagira ingano baburiwe irengero muri iyi minsi,imirambo ya bamwe muri bo ikaba ikomeje kureremba mu nzunzi no mu kiyaba cya Rweru…dusabire n’imiryango yabo iri mu cyunamo kigoye, kuko batazi irengero ry’ababo , bakaba badashobora kubashyingura ngo bibagabanyirize ihagarikamutima.

4.Witerwa ubwoba n’ibyaha byawe bikaze ngo wumve ko Imana yagukuyeho amaboko. Iracyagukunda, iracyashaka kugukiza, byemera uyu munsi, maze ufate icyemezo cyo kuyisaba imbabazi, uzisabe na bagenzi bawe, ugaruke mu nzira ya kimuntu. Uhoraho Imana ni BUNTU butangaje, Shitani we yahisemo kwibera BINTU(Le Calculateur). Baratandukanye cyane.

Ngaho isomere aya masomo maze nawe wikuiriremo ifunguro rigutunga ukeneye.

II.Amasomo yo kuri iki cyumweru cya 25 gisanzwe, Umwaka A.

Isomo rya 1: Izayi 55, 6-9

Nimushakashake Uhoraho igihe agishobora kubonwa,

nimumwiyambaze igihe akiri hafi.
Umugome nareke inzira ye,
n’umugiranabi areke ibitekerezo bye.
Nagarukire Uhoraho uzamwereka impuhwe ze,
ahindukirire Imana ikenutse ku mbabazi.
Kandi ni koko, ibitekerezo byanyu si byo byanjye,
n’inzira zanjye si zo zanyu, uwo ni Uhoraho ubivuze.
Nk’uko ijuru ryisumbuye cyane ku isi,
ni na ko inzira zanjye zisumbye kure izanyu,
n’ibitekerezo byanjye bigasumba ibyanyu.

Zaburi 145(144), 2-3, 8-9, 17-18

Buri munsi nzagusingiza,

nogeze izina ryawe iteka ryose.
Uhoraho ni igihangange,
akaba rwose akwiriye gusingizwa;
ubwamamare bwe ntibugereranywa.
Uhoraho ni umunyampuhwe n’umunyaneza,
atinda kurakara kandi akagira urugwiro.
Uhoraho agirira bose ibambe,
maze imbabazi ze zigasakara ku biremwa bye byose.
Uhoraho ni umunyabutungane mu nzira ze zose,
akarangwa n’urukundo mu bikorwa bye byose.
Uhoraho aba hafi y’abamwiyambaza,
hafi y’abamwiyambaza babikuye ku mutima.

Isomo rya 2: Abanyafilipi 1,20c-24.27a

Bavandimwe, haba mu bugingo bwanjye, haba mu rupfu rwanjye. Koko rero, Kristu ni we bugingo bwanjye ndetse gupfa byambera urwunguko. Niba ariko gukomeza kubaho muri uyu mubiri byatuma nkora umurimo w’ingirakamaro, simbona icyo nahitamo . . . Ndagirijwe impande zombi: nifuzaga kwigendera ngo mbane na Kristu, kuko ari byo birushijeho kuba byiza; ariko gukomeza kubaho mu mubiri ni cyo mukeneye. Nyamara rero, nimukore ibikwiranye n’Inkuru Nziza ya Kristu.
Ivanjili: Matayo 20,1-16

Ingoma y’ijuru imeze nka nyir’umurima wazindutse mu museke, kugira ngo ararike abamukorera mu mizabibu. Amaze gusezerana n’abakozi idenari imwe ku munsi, abohereza mu mizabibu ye. Ngo asohoke nko ku isaha ya gatatu, abona abandi bandagaye ku kibuga. Arababwira ati ‘Namwe nimujye mu mizabibu yanjye, ndi bubahe igihembo gikwiye.’ Maze bajyayo. Yongeye gusohoka ahagana ku isaha ya gatandatu, n’ahagana ku ya cyenda, abigenza kwa kundi. Yongera kugenda ku isaha ya cumi n’imwe, abona n’abandi bahagaze, arababwira ati ‘Ni iki gituma mwahagaze aha ngaha umunsi wose nta cyo mukora?’ Barasubiza bati ’Ni uko nta waturaritse.’ Arababwira ati ‘Namwe nimujye mu mizabibu yanjye.’
Bugorobye, nyir’imizabibu abwira umuhingisha, ati ‘Hamagara abakozi, ubahe igihembo cyabo, uhere ku baje nyuma, uheruke abaje mbere.’ Nuko rero abo ku isaha ya cumi n’imwe baraza, maze buri muntu ahabwa idenari. Aba mbere baza batekereza ko bari burengerezweho; na bo ariko buri muntu ahabwa idenari imwe. Bayakira binubira nyir’umurima, bati ‘Abaje nyuma bakoze isaha imwe gusa, ubagiriye nka twe twahanganye n’umunsi wose n’izuba.’ We rero asubiza umwe muri bo, ati ‘Mugenzi wanjye, nta cyo nkurenganyijeho; si idenari imwe twasezeranye? Fata ikiri icyawe, maze wigendere. Jye nshatse guha uwaje nyuma nk’icyo nguhaye. Sinshobora se kugenza uko nshaka mu byanjye? Cyangwa se undebye nabi kuko ngize neza?’
Nguko uko aba nyuma bazaba aba mbere, n’aba mbere bakazaba aba nyuma.»