Museveni Warns West Against Destabilising Africa

Something very surprising: Museveni has been in power since 1986 and up to now he wants another term. He was referred to as a darling for the West. He was instrumental in attacking and destabilizing Rwanda in 1990, DR Congo in 1996 up to now. He did all this in the interests of the west against his own people, Africans. Now that he is realizing and condemning the west’s intent, can we say that he seems to have changed or he is being hypocrite as usual? Funny enough, he knows that factors preventing African countries from developing include ideological disorientation by the political elite  and lack of democracy!!!

President Yoweri Museveni has advised African governments to be strong to prevent Western countries from intervening in their national and continental affairs.

President Museveni addressing Pan-African Parliament on occasion of the 10th Anniversary of its foundation, 18th March 2014, Midrand, South Africa:

According to the President’s Special Communications Assistant, Ms Sarah Kagingo, Mr Museveni said this on Tuesday during celebrations to mark 10 years of the Pan-African Parliament in Midrand, South Africa.

Mr Museveni said by being weak and under developed, Western powers were returning with a new wave of colonialism.

“You were weak and got colonized. Fortunately we survived and got our freedom again. We did not use our freedom to make ourselves stronger; now they have come back to start from where they stopped,” said a statement from the Pan-African Parliament.

“After independence we did not analyse why we had been colonized so that we quickly rectify the problems. We simply relaxed and enjoyed being in power forgetting that the lion cannot live with the lamb,” he said using the Biblical references on how the lamb would lay with the lion in heaven. The Pan-African Parliament (PAP) was established in March 2004, as one of the nine organs of the African Union.

It is intended to “provide a common platform for African peoples and their grass-roots organizations to be more involved in discussions and decision-making on the problems and challenges facing the continent.”

The Parliament is expected to evolve into an institution with full legislative powers, whose members are elected by universal adult suffrage, which awaits a decision from the African Union Heads of State Summit.

Uganda’s representatives to PAP are Onyango Kakoba (NRM, Buikwe North), Barumba Rusaniya (NRM, Kiruhura district), Amooti Otada (Ind., Kibanda), Jacqueline Amongin (NRM, Ngora district and Elijah Okupa (FDC, Kasilo).

Museveni was unhappy that Western countries had intervened in Libya, which, he said has never recovered, ignoring possible solutions proposed by the African Union (AU).

He said it was contemptuous of NATO to prevent a team of six presidents with the AU mandate to try and resolve the Libyan issue, from travelling to the country.

He said that although he was part of the named AU team, he was not on the fateful flight to Libya.

“African Presidents, on African soil, carrying out an African mission were ordered by NATO to go back (arguing) that they had not allowed them to land. This was contempt,” he said.

“I want to advise African governments, we should not tempt the greedy people, to come and colonise us by being weak. When you are weak, you tempt the greedy,” he said, adding that, “It is your fault to be weak, why would you allow yourself to be weak. Avoid making yourself so vulnerable.”

Museveni identified ten factors preventing African countries from developing including ideological disorientation by the political elite; attacking the private sector; inadequate infrastructure; underdevelopment of human resource, lack of education and health; small markets; lack of industrialisation, underdeveloped services, agriculture and lack of democracy.

The President of Saharawi Mohamed Abdelaziz, the President of Mauritania Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz and the former President of Ghana Jerry Rawlings also addressed the sitting, advocating for the granting of legislative powers to the Pan African Parliament.

– See more at: http://chimpreports.com/index.php/news/politics/18268-museveni-warns-west-on-libya.html#sthash.o507VGc1.dpuf

Nadine Claire Kasinge and some of her political views

The problem is not among the oppressors, but the oppressed. Victims experience the oppression but are reluctant to search and find the solutions to their situation.

There are not many women in the Rwandan politics of the opposition. The personality featured in these lines is young and new in that arena.  On January 28th 2013, for the first time, she appeared publicly in Paris among the founders of Ishema Party led by Father Thomas Nahimana. Until recently she was one of the deputy general secretaries. Further to the decision of her party’s Congress of last month to return in 2016 and do politics in Rwanda, she has been nominated Spokesperson of her party’s presidential candidate for the 2017 elections. Nadine Claire Kasinge’s political views highlighted here were expressed in an interview in Kinyarwanda she gave to Serge Ndayizeye on Radio Itahuka on February 26th, 2014. [please once on the site type the word Nkasinge in the space reserved to search in order to access the audio]

Each person has a role to play in the politics of their own country, because politics affect their well being in one way or another. Citizens can contribute and make things better for all. If the result is positive, this will benefit everybody including themselves.

We should not consider that we don’t have any role to play because we think there are other people in charge or more able than ourselves.

It is not necessarily your background which defines your destiny, but the determination you have for shaping the future as you want it to be which does. Only can you get there gradually by working with a focused and well organised team.

For politicians, providing solutions to the real needs of people is the big deal that creates trust. Discussing with them their concerns and telling them the way one sees how they should be addressed, then starting to solve them, this is the right approach.

Being all the time guided by the principal of not compromising when things that need changing because they are not right, must change.

Everything is possible if one wants it so badly that they see is as possible. One only needs to believe in what they consider to be the solutions to the situation they are confronted with. They need to have the courage of their convictions.

At each step of the journey, their courage and persistency gain them new knowledge that makes them better equipped to work for the good of others.

It is the experience gained in solving problems that makes one become an expert in their speciality; and when there are bigger issues to be sorted out, the majority turns then to them.

Status quo that transforms into normality despite its irrationality can only be addressed by courageous and persistent characters/ personalities.

Politics is not a men’s only reserved domain but every citizen and especially women who constitute 50% of the population. Therefore women need to be more represented and effective in that sector of society.

The role of the youth in contributing to the politics of their nation is critical and imperative. Politics is not for the only mature and older male generation.

When men and women work together as equals in politics, because they think differently, the outcome of their teamwork is different from when the two operate separately or don’t engage at the same level on similar issues.

If Rwanda was effectively pro-women in politics {as this is wrongly portrayed by the regime in Kigali], there would be laws and policies in favour of families and children’s education, both areas significantly and dangerously neglected.

If on another hand the Rwandan parliament, with the highest percentage of women in the world, was effectively representative of women’s interests, the country would be one where education would be the best and top political priority, husbands’ well being [not being massively and wrongly imprisoned – editor’s emphasis], maternity leaves, etcetera would be there cared for in the interest of present and future generations.

There is strength in working with others. Debate is essential in finding suited solutions to issues. One’s view is not everybody’s views, and these ones need consideration.

Adversity calls for more determination. When you win over a challenge, you feel satisfied and more motivated to go forward.

People faced with injustices most of their time don’t realize how powerful they are in front of their oppressors.

The starting point for resolving Rwandan problems is accepting the fact that, despite anybody’s different background [either physical, social, or even intellectual], nobody is above the rest.

The problem is not among the oppressors, but the oppressed. Victims experience the oppression but are reluctant to search and find the solutions to their situation.

Not speaking out against what is wrong is only delaying the instance when that wrong will come knocking on your own door. In general when there are injustices in somebody’s country, these have negative consequences on everybody, directly or indirectly, and on future generations. Understanding that such situation can be changed is the first step of changing it.

TO BE CONTINUED

South Africa expelled Rwandan diplomats and rules were followed

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Maite Nkoana-Mashabane

Pretoria – Proper procedures were followed in the expulsion of Rwandan diplomats from Pretoria, International Relations Minister Maite Nkoana-Mashabane said on Tuesday.

“We are guided by internal and also by international laws that govern such relations. We follow the same rules in the relation between South Africa and Rwanda,” she said in Pretoria.

“Whatever action South Africa took in the past few days, we were unemotional. We had informed the Rwandese government in accordance with the norms that apply and informed by our Constitution.”

Earlier this month, South Africa expelled three Rwandan diplomats, one of whom has reportedly been linked to an “attempted hit” on exiled Rwandan army chief Faustin Nyamwasa at his home in Johannesburg.

A few days later, Rwanda responded by expelling six diplomats based at the South African mission in its capital Kigali.

While Rwandan Foreign Minister Louise Mushikiwabo said at the time that the expulsions were “in reciprocity”, there is speculation that the decision to exactly double the number expelled is a signal Rwanda is prepared to up the ante.

Nyamwasa, who is a former rival and critic of Rwandan President Paul Kagame, survived an assassination attempt in Johannesburg in 2010.

He and his family were not at home when the latest attack happened, reportedly having been moved to a safe place.

Nyamwasa and former Rwandan spy chief Patrick Karegeya were founding members of the opposition Rwanda National Congress.

Karegeya was murdered in a Johannesburg hotel room on New Year’s Eve.

Other Rwandan exiles have accused Kagame and his government of being behind Karegeya’s death and the latest attack on Nyamwasa.

Kagame and other senior Rwandan officials have denied any involvement in the attacks.

Also last week, South Africa expelled a Burundian diplomat – Jean-Claude Sindayigaya, the first secretary of the embassy of Burundi – but has offered no reasons for sending him home.

Source: http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/Politics/Rules-were-followed-on-diplomat-explusions-minister-20140318

The world should get ready to bury more Rwandan political opponents… Kagame gives a hint!

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Does this guy think he is superior to Sadam, Ghadaffi,Taylor, Gbagbo, Mobutu …?

Kagame Warns Dissidents: I Am Not A Musician

President Paul Kagame has sternly warned dissidents planning to destabilise Rwanda that they face grave consequences, emphasising he is not a musician to “entertain” those who seek to undermine the country’s security.

President Kagame inspecting a guard of honour in Rwanda in 2013

This is the latest forewarning from the Rwandan leader a week after Kigali accused South Africa of harbouring masterminds of the Kigali grenade attacks in which several people died.

Exiled former army chief, Gen Kayumba Nyamwasa, who lives in South Africa is believed to be the architect of a wider plot to overthrow President Kagame.

Addressing Rwanda National Police’s Officer Cadets at their commissioning today, Kagame said: “My main responsibility is to the people of Rwanda, their development and their security.”

He further warned: “I am not a journalist or a leader of NGOs and my job is not to entertain those who compromise Rwanda’s security.”

“I am not a musician supposed to please anybody.”

Kagame told the 458 police officers that some countries continue to harbour and aid “criminals whose intent is destabilizing Rwanda. You need to be vigilant.”

He said security is a “priority for our nation, alongside development and well being of Rwandans,” adding, “the responsibility of the police goes beyond providing security” given the law enforcement body remains an essential and integral part of the country’s development.

Out of 458 cadets, 58 are women.

At the parade, the police officers pledged to uphold the law, stand up for equal rights for all, work with determination and never use their function for personal gain.

Kagame’s speech comes against the backdrop of allegations that Rwanda was involved in the killing of Patrick Karegeya in a South African hotel on New Year’s Eve and the recent attack on Nyamwasa’s home that saw three Rwandan diplomats expelled.

Rwanda denied the charge before expelling six South African diplomats.

Human Rights activists and politicians in western countries have since pointed the finger at Kigali for the attacks on dissidents in the Diaspora.

In a recent letter to US Secretary of State, John F Kerry, the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Edward R Royce expressed his deep concern over the numerous attempted attacks and killings of Rwandan dissidents living outside their country.

“Any functioning and responsible democracy allows the voices of opposition to be heard. Yet, in Rwanda there is a systematic effort to silence – by any means necessary – the voices of those who question the regime.”

Royce said allowing President Kagame’s rhetoric “and the slaying of dissidents abroad to go unchecked will only embolden the regime. Towards that end, I encourage you to closely re-evaluate U.S engagements with Rwanda and take into account these troubling actions when considering future assistance.”

Rwanda denies the allegations but does not show remorse.

Consequences of betrayal

A few days after Karegeya’s murder, Kagame told a high profile gathering at the Rwanda Leaders Fellowship Prayer Breakfast in Kigali, that “No one will betray Rwanda and get away with it.”

He added: “Regardless of who you are, there will be consequences. God gave us the strength to protect what we have built. Whoever it is, even those still alive will bear the consequences; it’s just a matter of time.”

Without mentioning names, Kagame said he “really don’t feel the necessity for politeness on this issue, no need for being diplomatic, of being politically correct. What’s surprising is that you didn’t do it, not the other way around. Because how can people betray their country… a country that made them who they are boasting to be today? All those fellows would have been nothing if it wasn’t for this country, if it wasn’t for Rwanda.”

“Rwanda made them who they are today. And they have now turned against it; they are now insulting it, abusing it. I honestly have no diplomacy in that regard. We should have been the ones, we should have been the ones to do it; it shouldn’t have been somebody else. Because no one will do it for you, no Bangladeshi peacekeeper, no Pakistani, no white person, no one else can protect your country and grant you peace. Only you can do it, and you shouldn’t feel bad about doing what you need to.”

Speaking to Police cadets today, Kagame said his speeches have always been taken out of context and that he no longer cares about being misquoted.

– Source: http://chimpreports.com/index.php/news/18202-kagame-warns-dissidents-i-am-not-a-musician.html

MU RWANDA HABAYEHO IMIRONGO IBIRI GUSA YA POLITIKIi : Uwa LUNARI n’uwa MDR-Parmehutu !

GUHUZA  AMASHYAKA YA “OPPOSITION” NYARWANDA NI NKO KUBAKA UMUNARA WA BABEL !

Maze iminsi mbona kuri izi mbuga abantu basaba bashimitse ko amashyaka ya “opposition” nyarwanda yakwiyunga agafatanyiriza hamwe guhindura ubutegetsi mu Rwanda. Ababivuga babiterwa n’uko bumva byahuriza hamwe ingufu ubu zitataniye mu mashyaka anyuranye atavuga rumwe n’ubutegetsi bwa FPR. Ni icyifuzo cyiza. Gusa ndagira ngo turebere hamwe ireme ry’iki gitekerezo n’ingaruka zacyo. Mu buzima, hari ubwo umuntu yiyungura inama yumva ari nziza, akayishyira mu bikorwa, agatungurwa n’uko ibyaye ingaruka zinyuranye cyane n’izo yatekerezaga. Umuhanzi Nkurunziza yaracuranze ati“bavuga ko amata aryoha ubuki bukarusha, ariko mu busore hari ikibisumba: kurebana akana ko mu jisho n’umugeni. Iyaba bitaherukwaga na sinamenye”. Koko rero hari ubwo imishinga yacu tuyirebera mu ntangiro, tukabona byose bishashagirana. Aba ari igihe cy’akana ko mu jisho. Gusa kuko ubuzima bugira ayabwo, hari ubwo byose birangirira muri “sinamenye”. Ibi mu buzima birashyika kenshi. Muri politiki na ho ni uko. Ni yo mpamvu burya kuyikora ari ubugenge nyabugenge. Kugira ngo twumve akamaro cyangwa ingorane zo kwishyira hamwe, dutangire tureba abajya muri politiki ari bantu ki.

1. Kuki abantu bajya muri politiki?

Icya mbere ngira ngo tubanze duhigike ni ya mareshyamugeni ngo umuntu WESE wiyemeza gukora politiki abiterwa no gushaka kwitangira abandi. Ubushakashatsi bwose bwerekana ko iki ari ikinyoma. Ikimenyimenyi ni uko benshi mu bavuga ko bajyanywe muri politiki no kwitangira abandi, usanga mu buzima busanzwe wenda atari na ba bantu babangukirwa no gufasha. Ugasanga mu buzima bwabo batarafungurira umushonji n’umwe, batazi icyo kurera imfubyi ari cyo, n’ibindi. Ubushakashatsi rero bwo bwerekana ko kenshi abantu bajyanwa muri politiki n’impamvu ebyiri. Gushaka ubutegetsi (power seeking) no kurwanira ishyaka ibitekerezo byabo (policy seeking). Muri make rero, ujya muri politiki aba abifitemo inyungu. Ushaka ubutegetsi aba ashaka ibyubahiro, amakuzo, ubukire n’ibindi bijyana na bwo. Urwanira ibitekerezo aba yumva igihugu hari uburyo kigomba kuyoborwamo. Iyo abigezeho, na we yumva bimuhaye agaciro imbere y’umutimanama we n’imbere y’abandi.

Kuba abantu bajyanwa muri politiki no gushaka ziriya nyungu zombi dusobanuye, hari uwabyita inenge. Si byo. Ahubwo ni byiza. Umunyapolitiki ubyemera aba ari inyangamugayo kandi avugisha ukuri. Aba ari n’umugabo. Hari abashima ubabeshya ko ngo nta nyungu akurikiye. Rubanda irashukika. Ubwabyo ni ikibazo kujya mu bintu bitagira inyungu. Gusa rero inyungu ziri kwinshi. Ntituzigarukirize ku mafaranga n’ubukungu nk’uko bamwe babikora. Burya n’ugiye kwiha Imana muri wa muryango w’ababikira bita ku ndembe, haba hari inyungu akurikiye: umukiro wa roho n’ubugingo bw’iteka. Umunyapolitiki uvuga ko nta nyungu akurikiye, iyo atari umubeshyi aba ari indindagire. Hari na none uwambaza ati “none se uwo muntu ukurikiranye inyungu ze yagirira ate igihugu n’abaturage akamaro?”. Iyo ashaka ubutegetsi, yita ku byo abaturage bifuza kuko ni bo ba nyirabwo. Na bo rero bamuhundagazaho amajwi. Mbese ni mpa nguhe. Iyo arwanira ibitekerezo, akora uko ashoboye ngo yumvishe abaturage agaciro kabyo, bamuhe amajwi, abishyire mu bikorwa. Ng’uko uko umunyapolitiki ukurikiye inyungu bwite ahindukira akagirira abaturage akamaro.

2. Abanyapolitiki bacu wabashyira mu kihe cyiciro?

Ukuri ntikwica umutumirano, reka mbivuge, nta na hamwe. Ingorane u Rwanda rwahuye na yo ni uko rwagize abanyapolitiki badakurikiranye inyungu. Biragoye kumenya icyo bakurikiranye, ariko nshidikanya niba bo baba bakizi. Muti gute ? Duhereye ku kurwanira ibitekerezo, biragoye kumenya umurongo w’abanyapolitiki b’abanyarwanda. Umurongo wa politiki ntituwitiranye n’izina ry’ishyaka. Umurongo wa politiki ni ukugira ibitekerezo kandi abaturage bagasobanurirwa uburyo byahindura imibereho yabo. Reka ntange urugero.

Tumaze imyaka irenga 20 dufite ishyaka ryitwa PSDngo riharanira imibereho myiza y’abaturage. Jya rero mu giturage ubaze umuturage niba arizi. Umubaze niba yaritora n’icyo aritezeho. Ese ni abanyarwanda bangahe bazi icyo PSD yabazanira kitazanwa na FPR, PDC cyangwa PDI?. Muri politiki, umurongo w’ishyaka iyo utazwi n’abaturage (ntitwitiranye kuwumenya no kuwibonamo) uba ntawo. Ikindi kiranga umurongo uhamye w’ibitekerezo, ni ukuba uruhererekane hagati y’ibisekuru. Abiyita ibigugu muri politiki yacu mbanenga kuba nta babyiruka babagwa mu ntege. Byari kuba iyo bagira umurongo w’ibitekerezo uzwi. Bitabaye, biragoye kubajya inyuma utazi aho bagana.

Ushingiye kuri ibi, wasanga u Rwanda kugeza ubu rwaragize imirongo ibiri ya politiki: uwa Runari (UNAR) n’uwa MDR Parmehutu. Twazabigenera akanya tugasesengura iyo mirongo yombi, aho itandukaniye n’aho ishingiye. Gusa tutagiye kure, reka ntange ibimenyetso bitatu.

Iyo uvuze Runari cyangwa MDR, abantu bahita bakubita agatima ku bitekerezo n’imiterere y’ubutegetsi mbere yo kwibuka umuyobozi (Leader) runaka. Abenshi mu babyiruka ubu ushobora gusanga batanibuka abayashinze n’abayayoboye, ariko icyo yarwaniraga cyo barakizi. Iki ni ikimenyetso cy’uko muri ayo mashyaka ibitekerezo byarushaga agaciro amazina y’abayobozi. Iki ni icya mbere kiranga umurongo uhamye wa politiki.

Icya kabiri ni uko, ukoze ubushakashatsi, watungurwa n’uko abato babyiruka basobanukiwe na Runari cyangwa MDR kurusha uko basobanukiwe na PDC kandi ari yo yo muri iki gihe. Icyo ni ikimenyetso cya kabiri.

Icya gatatu ni uko ibitekerezo by’aya mashyaka byambukiranyije ibisekuru (générations). Ibya Lunari biracyariho muri FPR nyuma y’imyaka 50. Ibya MDR na byo ntaho byagiye. N’ubwo ubu nta shyaka ribihagarariye cyangwa ribyiyitirira, biraho bituje. Ikibigaragaza ni uko FPR, mu mikorere yayo, ni byo ihora yikanga, ikabihoza muri “target”. Muzarebe iyo ivuga ibya kamarampaka, rubanda nyamwinshi, ubwigenge n’ibindi byubatswe na MDR, icika ururondogoro.

Dore ikindi gitangaje abantu batitayeho. Nyuma ya jenoside, ishyaka twari twiteze ko risenywa imbere y’amategeko ni MRND, kuko yaregwaga jenoside. Nyamara si ko byagenze. FPR yihutiye gusenya MDR kuko izi ko ari yo ifite umurongo n’ibitekerezo bikomeye bishobora kuzayigora. MRND n’ubwo ubu idahari mu Rwanda, nyamara yo ntiyigeze iregwa mu mategeko ngo iseswe nk’ishyaka. Biratangaje. Ushaka rero kureba ingufu z’ibitekerezo bya MDR azarebe uburyo FPR-Inkotanyi ikora ibyikandga.   ihora ibyikanga. Ngo ntawe utinya ijoro atinya icyo barihuriyemo.Twibutse ko FPR yatangiye yitwa RANU cg UNAR mu gifaransa.

3.Itandukaniro hagati yo gushaka ubutegetsi no gushaka imyanya.

Ni byiza gutandukanya ibi bintu byombi. Umunyapolitiki ushaka ubutegetsi aba afite umurongo n’icyerekezo. Ushaka akanya aba ari umucanshuro. Ushaka ubutegetsi, agira umurongo wa politiki, agaharanira kuwumvisha abaturage ngo nibamutora awushyire mu bikorwa. Ushaka akanya, nta bitekerezo nta n’umurongo. Icyo apfa ni akanya. Akenshi, yisunga abafite ibitekerezo n’umurongo ngo arebe ko bamusagurira. Ngiyo indangagaciro ya byinshi mu byiyita amashyaka biri mu Rwanda muri iki gihe . Kuko nta murongo w’ibitekerezo, bahisemo kwiturira mu ibaba rya FPR, ngo amahanga abone ko ubutegetsi buhuriweho n’amashyaka menshi. FPR na yo yabemereye kutarisha ikiyiko, ahubwo ikajya irisha ikanya ngo hagire utuvungukira dutakara na bo bagire icyo bacyura. Iyi ndwara ariko ushishoje wayisanga no muri opposition.

  1. Amashyaka ya “hobe ibyansize” na “twihangire imirimo”.

Iyo abantu bageze mu buhungiro, ikibazo cya mbere bagira ni icyo kwakira imibereho mishya. Abakiri bato bo biraborohera kuko baba bakiyubaka. Abakuzeho gato, bahura n’ikibazo cyo kwibona muri sosiyete itabaha icyubahiro n’umwanya bari bamenyereye. Reba rero umuntu wari minisitiri cyangwa Jenerali akibona muri ka kumba bacumbikiramo impunzi, yakwaka akazi bakamuha ako kwakira abinjira (réceptioniste) mu nzu y’abasaza cyangwa gucunga umutekano mu isoko. Yatambuka agasanga ntawe umwitayeho kandi yari amenyeye kuramukanywa ibyubahiro. Munyumve neza nta kazi nsuzuguye. Gusa imyumvire yacu ya kinyarwanda n’uko twumva ibyubahiro biradukurikirana. Aha rero ni hamwe haturuka imisusire y’amashyaka yacu. Hari ayo umuntu yakwita “Hobe ibyansize” cyangwa “Twihangire Imirimo”. Ni ishyaka nshinga ngo ntibagirana kandi narigeze gukomera. Mba nteganya ko rimwe mu mwaka BBC izampamagara mu kiganiro mpaka, rimwe mu myaka ibiri tugakora inama, ubundi tugatanga itangazo kuri internet. Ibikorwa bya politiki bikagarukira aho. Iyo izina ryanjye barivuze nka rimwe mu mezi atandatu, numva nanjye nkiri mu ruhando ngo rwa politiki. Ubishidikanya, afate ishyaka rimaze imyaka nk’ 10 rivutse, arebe ibikorwa bya politiki rikora mu mwaka cyangwa ryakoze muri iyo myaka. Nanyomoza nzamushima. Amashyaka nk’aya ntaba agamije kurwanira ubutegetsi cyangwa se kurwanira ibitekerezo. Cyakoze rimwe na rimwe iyo akanya kabonetse ntakitesha. Ngiyo impamvu hari abarangiriza mu Rwanda kwihesha agaciro kandi nyamara batahwemaga gutuka FPR. N’abayituka ubu, ibemereye akanya, hari abarenze umwe bamanuka batakirwambaye.

Kera mu bayahudi, abanyapolitiki b’ukuri bari Abahanuzi. Umuhanuzi rero yagombaga kuba ari umuntu usanzwe yitunze. Impamvu kwari ukugira ngo hatazagira umucyurira ko yaje gushaka amaramuko. Umunsi umwe rero, Amasiya, umusaherezabitambo w’i Beteli, yigeze gushaka kubicyurira umuhanuzi Amosi. Amosi yahagaze yemye ati“mfite amasambu yanjye n’amatungo ahagije. Gusa Uhoraho yarambwiye ati bisige ujye guhanura. Ariko nari nitunze” (Am 7,14-15).

Ese ye, abanyapolitiki bacu mu buhungiro, ni bangahe bashobora gutanga igisubizo nk’iki hagize ubacyurira? Ni yo mpamvu FPR na yo ibihoza ku munwa, ibacyurira gushaka amaramuko. Opposition y’ukuri izatangira umunsi twagize abanyapolitiki bashobora nkwishongora nka Amosi, bati“twari twitunze, dufite akazi aka n’aka, dufite umwuga uyu n’uyu, ariko twarabiretse kuko twiyumvisemo umuhamagaro wo gukora politiki”. Aha rero ni ho hari ibanga ryo guhuza amashyaka ya opposition.

5. Guhuza amashyaka ya opposition ni nko kubaka umunara wa Babel.

Muri politiki, hari ibintu bibiri bituma amashyaka yishyira hamwe. Ni bya bindi n’ubundi navuze: gushaka ubutegetsi no kurwanira ibitekerezo.

Duhere ku mashyaka ashaka ubutegetsi. Ayangaya akunze kwishyira hamwe mu gihe cy’amatora. Ashobora kubikora mbere cyangwa nyuma ho gato. Mbere y’amatora, aba agira ngo adatatanya amajwi ahubwo ayakusanye ashobore kwegukana imyanya ihagije. Nyuma y’amatora, haba hari iryatsinze ariko ridafite amajwi ahagije ngo ritegeke ryonyine. Rishaka irindi byiyunga. Iri rishakisha irindi rito, rinyotewe ubutegetsi, ariko ridafite umurongo w’ibitekerezo ukomeye, kugirango ritazarigora mu guhitamo ibikorwa bya leta. Iyi ni inzira ya mbere opposition nyarwanda yakwihurizamo. Opozisiyo ishatse kujya mu matora, byaba byiza kwegeranya imbaraga. Bitabaye ibyo, kwiyunga wasanga ntacyo byunguye cyane.

Mu buryo bwa kabiri, amashyaka arwanira umurongo w’ibitekerezo yo ashobora kwiyunga igihe icyo ari cyo cyose. Iyo abonye imirongo n’icyerekezo bijya hamwe, hari ubwo ahitamo gukorera hamwe kuko aba yegeranye mu myumvire. Iki rero ni cyo kibuze mu mashyaka ya opposition nyarwanda. Twatangiye tureba uburyo umurongo wayo wa politiki udasobanutse, amwe ndetse akaba atanawugira. Iyo rero abantu bavuga kwishyira hamwe, baba birengagije ko abishyira hamwe bagomba kuba hari ibyo bahuje.

Kugeza ubu, ikigaragara amashyaka ya opposition ahuriyeho ni ubushake bwo gutsinsura ubutegetsi bwa FPR.Gusa rero muri politiki ubushake bwo guhindura ubutegetsi ntibuhagije ngo abantu bishyire hamwe.Igikomeye ni icyo buri wese yumva yabusimbuza n’uburyo yabigeraho. Gukuraho ubutegetsi bwa FPR, ukabusimbuza Repubulika ishingiye ku mahame ya demokarasi, undi akabusimbuza ingoma ya ubwami(monarchie), ni imishinga ibiri inyuranye kuri byinshi.

Igikomeye kurushaho, ni uko hari n’amashyaka atari make agarukira kuri iyo ntambwe ya mbere: guhirika FPR. Ibindi ntubabaze. Byaragaragaye kenshi aho abantu barwanya ubutegetsi, bakabukuraho, nyuma bakayoberwa icyo babusimbuza, ugasanga ntaho bavuye ntaho bagiye. Muzitegereze Kongo nyuma ya Mobutu, Iraki nyuma ya Sadam, Misiri nyuma ya Mubarak n’ahandi.

Ikibazo cy’ukuri opposition nyarwanda ifite si amashyaka menshi cyangwa make. Yego ngo uburo bwinshi ntibugira umusururu, ariko na none ngo ingabo nyinshi ni izongeranya. Ikibazo cy’ukuri ni amashyaka (make cyangwa menshi) ariho ku izina, atagize icyo yunguye usibye gutera icyugazi no gutuma abatabizi bibeshya ngo hari ababitubereyemo, kandi byahe byo kajya! Ikibazo cy’ukuri ni amashyaka (make cyangwa menshi) adafite umurongo wa politiki, muri make atagize icyo amaze.

Hari umunyapolitiki wigeze gucyurira undi, ati: “nemera ko igihugu gikwiye kuyoborwa n’impaka z’ibitekerezo. Ikibazo gusa ni uko n’abadafite ibitekerezo bashaka gutera impaka”. Yarasaze agwa ku ijambo. Abashaka rero guhuza opposition nyarwanda nabagira inama yo kubanza kuyirema. Niba babona ihari, nabagira inama yo kuyicira (kuyikonorera) nk’uko bicira ikawa kuko yuzuye ibyonnyi. Ikibazo si uguhuza amashyaka menshi ya opposition, ikibazo ni ukumenya wahuza ayahe. Hari arenze rimwe azagira akamaro umunsi yasenyutse.

Umwanzuro wo kwisegura.

Ndabizi ko hari uri buntere ibuye ngo nakoze ishyano mvuga ko hari amashyaka ya opposition nyarwanda y’imburamumaro. Hari uwandenganya ngo nsuzuguye abanyapolitiki b’inararibonye kandi basaziye mu mwuga. Mbere yo kwihutira kuntera ibuye, banza unsubize iri hurizo: uburyo FPR yafashe ubutegetsi n’uburyo ibutengamayeho imyaka 19, nyamara idashyigikiwe n’abaturage, kandi ngo dufite inararibonye muri politiki n’amashyaka anigana. Nurangiza, ndatega umutwe. Ntuntere ibuye gusa, ahubwo ndemera ufate n’intosho.Umunyapolitiki Machiavel ni we wanditse ati “ibiriho n’ibyakagombye kubaho birahabanye cyane, ku buryo umuntu wirengagiza ibiriho aba agana ahabi (la distance entre la réalité et l’idéal est tellement grande que celui qui ferme les yeux sur ce qui est, apprends plutôt sa perte que sa survie). Ukuri nguko. Kurarura, ariko guca mu ziko ntigushye.

Edmond Munyangaju.

“Turamutse tugaragaje imitungo yacu ntitwakira Abanyarwanda…” Abayobozi bakuru mu mwiherero!

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Mu mwiherero w’abayobozi bakuru b’igihugu wabaye kuva kuwa 8  kugeza kuwa 10 Werurwe 2014, hagaragaye ibyo dukunze kwandika no kuvuga bijyanye n’imikorere mibi iterwa ahanini rimwe na rimwe n’ubushobozi bukeya, ikimenyane n’icyenewabo, kutiyumvamo icyizere kubera kugira ubwoba bigatuma umuntu adafata ibyemezo bikwiye, gutinyana kw’abari munzego zikorana bugufi, n’ibindi. Bimwe muri ibi bibazo ngo nibyo bituma ubukungu bw’igihugu butazazamuka uko byari biteganyijwe.

N’ubwo bwose imyanzuro yafashwe iterekana uburyo izashyirwa mu bikorwa umwanzuro wa nyuma urasekeje cyane. Uwo mwanzuro wavugaga ku kibazo gikunze kugarukwaho cy’uko abayobozi bakuru bigwizaho imitungo. Hifujwe kenshi ko iyo mitungo yashyirwa ahagaragara kugira ngo rubanda ibashe gukurikirana abiba ibyabo. Nyamara bitewe n’uko bishobora gutuma Abanyarwanda bahagurukana agatsiko bakagahambiriza bidatinze, abari mu mwiherero basanze ngo byaba byiza baterekanye imitungo yabo. Twongeye gukora ubushakashatsi maze tureba imitungo Perezida Paul Kagame amaze kwigwizaho dusanga koko ishyizwe ahagaragara bitaba byiza! Dore imwe muri iyo mitungo:

  1. Afite amazu 2 n’isambu imwe irimo inzu muri USA
  2. Afite inzu 2 mu Bwongereza
  3. Afite inzu 1 mu Budage
  4. Afite imiturirwa 3 muri Eritereya
  5. Afite i hoteli n’indi nzu imwe muri Ethiopia
  6. Afite Hoteli muri Kenya
  7. Afite Hoteli mu Bugereki
  8. Afite amazu 2 n’umurima muri Afurika y’epfo
  9. Afite inzu ibikwamo ibintu i Dubai
  10. Afite inzu icururizwamo i Shangai mu Bushinwa
  11. Afite i hoteli mu kirwa cya Mauritius (Maurice)
  12. Afite imigabane muri sosie=yeti y’ubwikorezi mu Bwongereza
  13. Afite companyi icuruza amabuye y’agaciro afatanyije n’umuhinde mu Buhindi akahagira na Hoteli ndetse n’inzu muri icyo gihugu.
  14. Afte inzu ibikwamo ibintu mu Buyapani
  15. N’ibindi byinshi

Abayobozi ngo ntibashaka kwerekana imitungo yabo…ni mu gihe. Ariko rero amaherezo ntibizoroha.

Imyanzuro yose yafatiwe muri uwo mwiherero : Tubikesha  http://igihe.com/amakuru/u-rwanda/article/inzego-za-leta-y-u-rwanda-zigiye

1. Gushyira mu bikorwa impanuro zose zikubiye mu ijambo rya Nyakubahwa Perezida wa Repubulika.

2. Gushyiraho politike n’amategeko yo kubaka amazu aciriritse (low cost housing) no gushyiraho uburyo bunoze bwo kubaka amazu aciriritse kandi akabonekera ku gihe cyateganyijwe.

3. Kongerera ubushobozi Ikigo cy’Igihugu Gishinzwe Imiturire mu Rwanda kugira ngo kibashe gushyira mu bikorwa inshingano zacyo.

4. Kunoza imitegurire y’amasezerano Leta igirana na ba rwiyemezamirimo mu rwego rwo kunoza ishyirwa mu bikorwa ryayo.

5. Gusesengura ibibazo byagaragaye mu ishyirwa mu bikorwa ry’imishinga itandukanye (Kivuwatt, Inka zitanga umukamo utubutse n’iyindi) hagafatwa ingamba zo kubikosora kugira ngo imishinga yadindiye irangire vuba ; ababigizemo uruhare bagakurikiranwa.

6. Gufata ingamba zo kubonera, mu gihe cya vuba, uruganda rwa Gishoma Peat to Power nyiramugengeri ihagije.

7. Kurangiza, mu gihe cya vuba, inyubako z’ibitaro bya Bushenge.

8. Kunoza no gukurikirana ishyirwa mu bikorwa ry’amabwiriza ajyanye n’imitangire y’amasoko ya Leta akajya ahabwa koko ababifitiye ubushobozi.

9. Gushyiraho uburyo bunoze bwo gushishikariza abahinzi n’aborozi kongera umusaruro w’ibiva mu buhinzi n’ubworozi hakurikijwe uruhare ubuhinzi n’ubworozi bigomba kugira mu bukungu bw’Igihugu.

10. Inzego zose zirasabwa gushyira imbaraga mu kubahiriza ihame ry’uburinganire mu itegurwa ry’ingengo y’imari.

11. Kwihutisha ivugururwa ry’ibyiciro by’ubudehe.

12. Gushyiraho uburyo bunoze abayobozi bifashisha mu gusobanurira abaturage gahunda za Leta.

13. Kunoza imikorere y’inzego z’Abunzi n’Inteko z’abaturage kugira ngo zirusheho kuzuzanya mu gukemura ibibazo by’abaturage no kubaka ubushobozi bwabo mu kwikemurira ibibazo hagamijwe kugabanya ibibazo bijyanwa mu nkiko.

14. Urwego rw’Igihugu rw’Imiyoborere rurasabwa kumenyekanisha ibyavuye mu bushakashatsi bwerekana uko abaturage babona ibibakorerwa haba mu Gihugu no hanze kandi aho bishoboka rukajya rukorana n’imiryango mpuzamahanga muri ubwo bushakashatsi.

15. Gukosora imikorere mibi yagaragajwe mu mwiherero, imishinga yadindiye yose ikaba yarangiye ku bufatanye bw’inzego zibishinzwe

16. Kunoza igenamigambi n’imikoranire y’inzego zitandukanye hagamijwe kugera ku ntego Igihugu kiyemeje.

17. Kunoza imitegurire y’imihigo igashingira ku mpinduka nziza (outcome based) y’imibereho y’abaturage aho gushingira ku bikorwa

18. Gukaza ingamba zo kurwanya ruswa, mu nzego za Leta n’iz’abikorera, ku bantu batanga cyangwa bakira ruswa, yaba ntoya cyangwa nini, hifashishijwe uburyo budasanzwe (sophisticated).

19. Kurangiza ibibazo by’ingurane ku butaka bw’abaturage bimurwa ahagenewe ibikorwa by’inyungu rusange no kubahiriza ibyo amategeka ateganya.

20. Gushyiraho ingamba zituma abakozi bashora Leta mu manza, bivuye ku makosa yabo, bamenyekana kandi bakaryozwa igihombo baba bateje Leta.

21. Kunoza itegurwa n’isuzuma ry’imihigo y’abakozi ba Leta ku buryo ishingira ku ntego z’ikigo aho gushingira ku byo umukozi yumva azageraho.

22. Gushyiraho uburyo abikorera bajya basinyana imihigo na Leta hagamijwe iterambere ry’ihuse.

23. Kwihutisha ivugurura ry’inzego za Leta hagamijwe kunoza imikorere n’imikoranire yazo bikaba byatangiye bitarenze Werurwe 2014.

24. Kwiga uburyo gahunda yo kugaburira ku ishuri, abanyeshuri biga mu mashuri y’uburezi bw’ibanze bw’imyaka 12 byakorwa ku bufatanye n’ababyeyi.

25. Gukemura burundu kandi mu buryo bwihuse, ikibazo cy’abanyeshuri bo mu mashuri abanza biga bicaye hasi.

26. Gushyiraho uburyo bwo gukurikirana no kugenzura ireme ry’uburezi mu mashuri y’uburezi bw’ibanze bw’imyaka cumi n’ibiri (12YBE).

27. Gushyiraho uburyo butuma abarimu bishimira akazi kabo biganisha kumusaruro mwiza mw’ireme ry’uburezi (incentives) kandi bagahemberwa igihe nk’abandi bakozi ba Leta.

28. Kugaragaza ingamba z’imyaka itanu zo guteza imbere ireme ry’uburezi rya gahunda y’uburezi bw’ibanze bw’imyaka 12 herekanwa aho turi ubu n’aho twifuza kujya, inzego zose bireba zikabiganiraho uruhare.

29. Gushishikariza abikorera kurushaho gushora imari mu burezi.

30. Gushyiraho amashyirahamwe y’ababyeyi n’abarimu (PTAs) aho atari no gufasha ariho gukora neza kugira ngo bifashe mu kongera ireme ry’uburezi.

31. Kunoza uburyo bw’imitangire ya za mudasobwa mu mashuri ku buryo zihabwa amashuri yiteguye guhita azikoresha.

32. Kwihutisha gahunda yo kwimurira ibikorwa (services) bya Mutuelle de santé muri RSSB.

33. Kwihutisha politike ya Early Childhood Development.

34. Gushyiraho uburyo bunoze bwo kongera umubare w’abaganga b’inzobere no kwiga icyakorwa ngo abanga bagume mu kazi.

35. Gushishikariza abaturage kwishyurira igihe kandi nta gahato ubwishingizi bw’ubuzima (mutuelle de santé).

36. Kwihutisha ishyirwa mu bikorwa ry’amavugururwa yose akenewe kugira ngo u Rwanda rurusheho kugira umwanya mwiza mu korohereza ishoramari (Doing Business).

37. Korohereza abashoramari kugabanya ikiguzi cyo gukora ishoramari.

38. Gushishikariza abikorera gushora imari yabo mu bikorwa by’ubuhinzi kugira ngo bunganire umusaruro usanzwe utangwa n’abahinzi, bityo hakemurwe ku buryo burambye, ikibazo cy’inganda zibura umusaruro zikoresha.

39. Gushyigikira ivugurura ry’imikorere y’amashyirahamwe y’abikorera babigize umwuga no gufasha ishoramari ry’abishyizehamwe.

40. Gushyiraho uburyo bw’ikoranabuhanga abikorera bakifashisha mu kugaragaza ibibazo bahura nabyo kandi inzego bireba za Leta zikabikurikirana.

41. RDB irasabwa kujya itanga buri gihembwe igeza kuri Guverinoma ku bijyanye n’ishoramari kandi igatanga na raporo buri mwaka kubijyanye n’uburyo abashoramari bishimira ubufasha bahabwa na Leta (Annual Investor Business Report Card).

42. Urwego rwa Leta ruteza igihombo umushoramari rugomba kwirengera icyo gihombo mu gihe bigaragaye ko umushoramari atabigizemo uruhare.

ku bijyanye n’umwanzuro wa 43 hakomejwe kwibazwa kubijyanye n’icyakorwa ngo hafatwe ingamba mu kwerekana uko imitungo y’abayobozi ishyirwa ahagaragara kugira ngo hirindwe abashobora kuyigwizaho ntibigenzurwe.

Uyu mwanzuro watanzweho ibitekerezo bitandukanye ariko byanzuwe ko gushyira imitungo y’abayobozi mu ruhame byateza ibibazo byinshi kurenza kutayihashyira.

US Congress writes to John Kerry about Kagame’s persistent criminal actions against his dissidents

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On 11 March 2014, Edward R. Royce, chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs in the US Congress wrote to the Secretary of State John Kerry highlighting the Congress concerns about Kagame’s criminal actions against Rwandan politicians opposed to his government.

Twenty years have passed that US have been an unconditional sponsor of the Rwandan government because Kigali plays an important role in the defence of American interests in the Great Lakes region even beyond, particularly through UN peacekeeping missions where involvement of Rwandan soldiers benefit more Kagame and US than ordinary citizens. The US backing of RPF has been costly in terms of millions of lives that have been wasted since 1990 in Rwanda and 1996 in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

The question that could be asked is this: Is US now realizing that time has come for regime change in Rwanda? The Chairman of the Foreign Affairs is in his letter saying to the Secretary of State that,

“President Kagame’s actions are louder than our words.”

Does the Congress want that Obama government do more than condemning? Time will tell if this is not another political game of saying one thing but doing the opposite.

From the Media Contact at the House Committee on Foreign Affairs:

Calls for reassessment of relations with Kigali

Washington, D.C. – U.S. Rep. Ed Royce (R-CA), Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, sent a letter to Secretary of State John Kerry to express his concern for the safety of those speaking out against the Kagame regime in Rwanda.  Specifically, the Chairman urged Secretary Kerry to reevaluate U.S. engagement with Rwanda, including future assistance.

In the letter to Secretary Kerry, Chairman Royce wrote: “I appreciate the State Department condemnation of President Kagame’s remarks and expressions of concern about the “succession” of politically motivated murders of prominent Rwandan exiles. Yet, President Kagame’s actions are louder than our words.  Legitimate opposition figures rightly fear for their lives. Allowing President Kagame’s violent rhetoric and the slaying of dissidents abroad to go unchecked will only embolden the regime. Toward that end, I encourage you to closely reevaluate U.S. engagements with Rwanda and take into account these troubling actions when considering future assistance.”

The signed letter to Secretary Kerry is available HERE.

The text of the letter follows:

March 11, 2014

The Honorable John F. Kerry
Secretary of State
U.S. Department of State
2201 C Street, N.W.
Washington, DC 20520

Dear Mr. Secretary:

I am writing to express my deep concern over the numerous attempted attacks and killings of Rwandan dissidents living outside that country. Any functioning and responsible democracy allows the voices of opposition to be heard. Yet in Rwanda there is a systematic effort to silence – by any means necessary – the voices of those who question the regime in Kigali.

As you know, Patrick Karegeya, a prominent Rwandan opposition figure and former high ranking government official, was killed in South Africa earlier this year. Last week, armed gunmen attacked the home of another popular Rwandan opposition figure in South Africa, Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa.  This latest attack marks the third assassination attempt against Kayumba in recent years, and has led to the expulsion of Rwandan diplomats from South Africa.  Paul Rusesabagina, the well-known Rwandan humanitarian and anti-genocide activist, has told me of attempts to intimidate and threaten him. Karegya’s murder and the numerous assassination attempts on Kayumba are just the most recent examples of the many Rwandan dissidents who have been killed, exiled, tortured, and unjustly imprisoned over the years.

Rather than condemning targeted attacks against popular opposition figures, President Paul Kagame publicly celebrates them, many times falling just short of taking personal credit. Even while denying accusations of official involvement in the Karegeya assassination, President Kagame told the press, “I actually wish Rwanda did it. I really wish it.” Consistently in public remarks, President Kagame indicates that there will be “consequences” for those who question his authority. During an official visit to Rwanda by Maina Kiai, a U.N. Special Rapporteur tasked with examining a country’s freedom of peaceful assembly, found that “peaceful public disagreement with the [Rwandan] government is equivalent to criminality.”

I appreciate the State Department condemnation of President Kagame’s remarks and expressions of concern about the “succession” of politically motivated murders of prominent Rwandan exiles. Yet, President Kagame’s actions are louder than our words.  Legitimate opposition figures rightly fear for their lives. Allowing President Kagame’s violent rhetoric and the slaying of dissidents abroad to go unchecked will only embolden the regime. Toward that end, I encourage you to closely reevaluate U.S. engagements with Rwanda and take into account these troubling actions when considering future assistance.

While I am cognizant of the strategic role Rwanda’s security forces play in peacekeeping missions throughout the continent, this should not blind us to the regime’s attempts to violently close the political space for opposition voices. As we prepare to mark the twenty year anniversary of the genocide in Rwanda – which claimed the lives of over 800,000 people in just three months and sparked a regional conflict that has yet to be resolved – the friends of Rwanda must ensure that we do not, once again, miss the warning signs of political dysfunction and repression. I appreciate your attention to this matter and look forward to working with you to ensure that Rwandan dissidents can speak freely without fear for their lives.

Sincerely,

EDWARD R. ROYCE
Chairman

Source: http://therisingcontinent.wordpress.com/2014/03/13/us-congress-writes-to-john-kerry-about-kagames-persistent-criminal-actions-against-his-dissidents/

How UN didn’t want you to know facts about Rwanda genocide

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French Judge Bruguiere whose attempts top have President Kagame charged with the assassination of Presidents Habyarimana and Ntaryamira were thwarted by Kofi Annan, among others.

In exactly a month from today, the people of Rwanda will commemorate 20 years since the start of the 1994 genocide that showed the limits to which man can go to eliminate each other. Close to a million people are said to have been massacred in 100 days of frenzied, human degradation by two tribes speaking the same language.

Rwandan President Paul Kagame has been celebrated, wined and dined the world over as the person who brought to an end this carnage and who has since built “a strong and democratic country”. But what is the real story behind what happened in Rwanda on 7 April 1994?

Starting today, The London Evening Post is going to go “behind the scenes” and try to expose what really happened that day. In addition to talking to renowned world academics, we will talk to the people who were there that day and try to go through what happened and how it came about.

We start today with an exclusive interview with Prof Peter Erlinder, professor of law at William Mitchell Law College in St Paul, Minnesota. Author of The Accidental Genocide, Prof Erlinder was arrested in Rwanda in May 2010 while working as a lead defence council for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). He was detained for 21 days after he had travelled to the country to defend then presidential candidate Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza against charges of ‘genocide ideology’. He was charged with ‘genocide denial’ and only released after he faked an attempt to commit suicide, something that the Kagame regime would not permit to happen on his watch.

In this exclusive interview, Prof Erlinder exposes the depth to which the international community has gone in trying to protect the Rwandan government by hiding what exactly happened in Rwanda 20 years ago next month. He exposes what happened when former Rwandan and Burundian presidents Juvenal Habyarimana and Cyprien Ntaryamira lost their lives when their private jet was shot out of the sky when approaching it final destination in Kigali, the Rwandan capital, after talks with the now ruling Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) in neighbouring Tanzania.

Prof Erlinder reveals in his book secret documents that he says the UN wanted kept out of the public eye for, can you believe it, 100 years. That’s precisely a time when most of us living today would not be alive any more. The rest is all told here in the interview.

Peter-Erlinder-prosecutor-Jean-Bosco-Mutangana-in-Kigali-courtroom-061410

Prof Peter Erlinger appears in court in a prison garb during his imprisonment in Kigali

The London Evening Post:  You say your book – The Accidental Genocide – is the original version made out of UN documents – explaining day-by-day events that followed the 1994 genocide in Rwanda and after.  Please, explain more on this.

Prof. ErlinderDuring the ICTR Bagosora et al trial, I put thousands of pages of original UN documents into evidence that I was able to find in UN files that were not supposed to be released for 100 years.  The UN had dozens of persons reporting daily from Kigali and other places in Rwanda and Dallaire [Roméo Dallaire then UNAMIR Commander] met regularly with Kagame…These documents tell a completely different story than Kagame and the RPF told about the 4 year war and the 100 days of the “genocide”.  As a result, ALL leaders of the Habyarimana government and military were found not guilty of long-term planning of genocide or any other crimes BEFORE the assassination…. this means the mass violence was a reaction to the killing of the president…. NOT planned killing by a “genocidal government.”  The book explains how the mass killing in Burundi in the months before…. made Rwandans susceptible to fear of RPF…and the military superiority of RPF made the fear real.

The LEP: What was the primary objective of the original book?

Prof. Erlinder: To make the evidence that is already on the record at the UN Tribunal for Rwanda that acquitted the members of the Habyarimana government and military of long-planned conspiracy to commit crimes against civilians, including genocide, accessible to the general public using the original documents.

The LEP:  You have persistently rejected the official version about the 1994 Rwandan Genocide. Why? 

Prof. Erlinder: Because I was given access to documents in the UN archives that no other defence lawyer had…and got access to U.S. government documents, which are available to researchers; the documents require a different conclusion than the victors in the four-year war for power in Rwanda would prefer.  Before the Chief UN Prosecutor told the UN Security Council in 2003 that Paul Kagame assassinated President Habyarimana, I got access to these documents…. I believed the same story as everyone else.  The evidence changed my mind and the ICTR judges agreed.  Please see the Appeals Chamber Judgement of December 11, 2011.  Bagosora was found innocent of all crimes except for April 7, 8, 9…and Kagame said he was the “architect” of the genocide…but there was no evidence to support the claim.

The LEP:  The public, which is the majority, would say that you’re on a different page [knowledge about Rwanda Genocide] from what they know or have been told. Are you suggesting the public are disconnected from the truth?

Prof. Erlinder: After every war the winners tell the story – this is normal.  The public has heard the Kagame/RPF story repeatedly for 20-years.  UN and USG (United States Government) documents created at the time events were occurring tell a completely different story.  What is different this time is that documents that were to be secret for 100 years have been exposed, and have been put into evidence in the ICTR to acquit the losing side.

The LEP:  Who is fighting to see that he status quo remains as has been told?

Prof. Erlinder: Certainly the Kagame/RPF side that won the war wants to see that their story dominates.  But they were created and supported by the U.S./U.K…, which have an interest in the story remaining the same.  In 2003, UN Prosecutor Carla del Ponte was removed from her UN position by the U.S./UK when she insisted on prosecuting Kagame for killing Habyarimana and starting the genocide…. according to her own book (Madam Prosecutor) published in 2009.

The LEP: You mention about people in authority who have conspired to hide the truth. How are you prepared if they file a civil suit against you?

Prof. Erlinder: In the US courts, truth is a defense.  All of the statements and conclusions in my published work are supported by documented sources from USG, the UN or sworn testimony.  I merely accumulate and present evidence that is already on the record – which is what makes the publication important, not what I say.

The LEP:  As a human rights lawyer; what is your comment about how justice has been delivered to the perpetrators of the 1994 Rwandan Genocide?

Prof. Erlinder: The UN Tribunal has only prosecuted the crimes of those who lost the war.  The UN Tribunal was supposed to be a neutral body.  This means the Rwanda War was the only war in history in which only ONE side committed crimes OR the UN Tribunal was really a Victor’s Tribunal…. like Nuremberg and the Tokyo Tribunal.  My objection is that it should be recognized AS a victor’s tribunal…. and should NOT be sold to the world as something it was not.

The LEP:  What would you like to see with regards to the dispensing of justice?

Prof. Erlinder: Equal treatment for both sides in the Rwandan War and all national and international conflicts.  This means treating leaders of powerful and weaker nations equally.  The ICC (the International Criminal Court) has prosecuted only African leaders when it is plain that leaders of major powers such as the U.S. U.K, Russia, China, and France are at least as culpable.  We have not yet reached the point in history when the “rule of law” means the same for all leaders.

The LEP:  People would say that you’re on the wrong side. What would you tell such individuals who think, Prof. Peter Erlinder is on the wrong side about the 1994 Rwanda Genocide?

Prof. Erlinder: The evidence put before the ICTR judges caused them to agree with my analysis about whether there was a long-planned genocide by the Habyarimana government.  I have no opinions of my own.  I examine evidence and make conclusions based on the evidence.  It was UN Chief Prosecutor and the evidence that changed my mind…. when others have carefully examined all of the evidence, they might change their minds too.  But this is difficult because the emotions are so strong and it is much easier to respond emotionally than to do the difficult detailed research – which is why the book is based on historical records, not my opinions.

The LEP:  Given the dangers meted to you in Rwanda [experience], what you witnessed and what you’ve gone through as a result of your being involved in Rwanda issues at a level of an attorney in courts, why not just let it go to avoid being hunted by Kagame’s regime and secret agents?

Prof. Erlinder: I believe we all have a responsibility to history, to speak the truth and have to account to our actions to the infinite.  If one happens upon the truth based on evidence and does not speak, no religion in the world can respect that person.

The LEP:  Many people around the world see and consider President Paul Kagame as a saviour who stopped the genocide. In your own words-based on the UN documents you have gone through, how would you describe Kagame to a person who has never had a chance to look at what you have seen?

Prof. Erlinder: My book has a copy of the confession of Paul Kagame’s Chief of Staff Dr. [Theogene] Rudasingwa. He admits he was part of a 20-year cover-up of the killing of Habyarimana.  Former Chief UN Prosecutor Del Ponte has called for his prosecution openly since 2002.  The Chief UN Investigator Michael Hourigan called for his prosecution in 1997.  All of these facts have been covered-up…but they have long been in the public record.  Mr. Kagame tried to assassinate me in 2010 because I put this evidence in the ICTR record.  I think he knows already.

The LEP: Since you published The Accidental Genocide, have you received some kind of threats from Rwanda or from Kagame’s allies? If yes, who are they or what kind of threats did you receive?

Prof. Erlinder: I have been the subject of a personal “Wanted Dead or Alive” order directly from Mr. Kagame since October 1, 2010 after I escaped from Rwanda by pretending I had attempted suicide.  This order was given to all ambassadors, military attaché’ and military leaders.  The book has only refreshed the standing order, I imagine.

The LEP: Has anybody ever contact you to stop the publication of The Accidental Genocide? If yes, who and when?

Prof. Erlinder: No, the method of publication has been taken with precautions.

The LEP:    How do you manage to live this kind of life; watching your back all the time?

 Prof. Erlinder: As the information I have become more public and better understood, I become less important as an individual threat to Kagame. But, it is necessary to take precautions.

The LEP: With such evidences of the Rwanda Genocide coming into public domain, do you see in future; individual (s) taking responsibility to account for the atrocities? If your answer is ‘no’ or ‘yes’, why? 

Prof. Erlinder: In my opinion, Rwanda’s future lies in both sides taking responsibility and both sides mourning their losses.  A South African-style Truth and Reconciliation process is more likely to permit Rwanda to heal than a criminal tribunal process, which will never get the balance exactly right.  MOST important, the US and the UK MUST acknowledge the responsibility for creating and arming the RPF and manipulating the ICTR to make it appear that; the Hutu committed all crimes.  Demonizing a whole people is a form of “political genocide” that must be exposed and denounced as well.  THIS is what the US and UK have done in assisting the cover-up of RPF crimes.

The LEP:  You mean, Mr Paul Kagame issued an order mandating his all-inclusive ambassadors around the world to have you killed or kidnapped?

Prof. Erlinder: This is the report I received from a high-ranking military officer who has defected from the RPF who claimed to have been present at the meeting whose rank was such that he would have been at the meeting, the report was received person to person within days of the meeting from another defector who I know personally.  I must take it seriously just as Gen Nyamwasa [survived two attempt assassination]  and Col Keregeya [his body was discovered on New Year’s Day].

 

 

Americans, stop lying! You are as criminal as Kagame since he is your darling!

I have preferred to write the title  as above, and I hope I am not wrong. Read the story below and you will understand why! This means Americans are responsible for all those people killed by Kagame and other war crimes committed by the darling tyrant! Admin

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The thing to know about Rwandan President Paul Kagame is not just that he is a dictator responsible for human rights abuses but that, despite this, he has a great many friends.

Kagame, credited with commanding the rebel force that put an end to Rwanda’s genocide 20 years ago, has made himself a global celebrity. Bill Clinton hails him as among “the greatest leaders of our time.” Tony Blair calls him a “visionary.” Bill Gates works closely with him. Kagame has spoken at Harvard and received honorary doctorates from a number of universities in the United States and Europe. U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon is also a fan, telling Kagame in May, “I hope many African nations will emulate what Rwanda is doing. I highly commend you.” The praise inside Rwanda, in the press and public forums, is even more effusive. When I ask Rwandan citizens why there is no criticism of their president, I am told there is nothing to criticize. The political “opposition” consists of parties that refuse to speak out against Kagame even during elections, and there is talk of soon scrapping the constitution’s two-term limit for presidents so he can run in 2017 for a third time.

After all, for Rwandans, it can be lethal to be Kagame’s enemy. When Patrick Karegeya—Kagame’s former spy chief and friend who became one of his fiercest critics—was found dead in a South African hotel room in January, the Rwandan foreign minister, asked for the government’s response, tweeted, “This man was a self-declared enemy of my Gov & my country, U expect pity?” The Rwandan defense minister added, “When you choose to live like a dog, you die like a dog.” And Kagame himself remarked in a speech, “Shouldn’t we have done it?”

Not only was the president justifying a murder—he was warning his critics that betraying Rwanda brings consequences. In fact, in Kagame’s 20 years as the de facto leader of the country, more than a dozen prominent dissidents have been assassinated, imprisoned, exiled and tortured. According to Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, in recent years perhaps half a dozen well known investigators, journalists and opposition politicians have also been found dead in mysterious circumstances, including, six months ago, a Rwandan Transparency International worker who had been investigating police corruption.

Foreign governments, notably the United States, Britain, Germany and the Netherlands, are nonetheless lining up at Kagame’s door with praise, and money, desperate for a foreign aid success story after 50 barren years in Africa. Total publicly reported foreign aid to Kagame’s government stands at some $1 billion annually, of which the U.S. government provides about a fifth. It’s not surprising that these Western countries, as well as international institutions like the World Bank, believe Rwanda is one of their best hopes in the region: Kagame’s government says it lifted 1 million people out of poverty between 2008 and 2012, and that the country’s economy grew at a remarkable 8 percent clip during the global economic crisis—successes that seem even more remarkable in a country still recovering from the 1994 genocide, which killed nearly a million people and brought the economy to a standstill.

The catch: Kagame administers the Rwandan government’s foreign-funded aid programs with a strict autocratic hand. Political critics have been imprisoned for speaking out when government programs cause harm. In 2011, for instance, a pastor criticized a nationwide housing project to eliminate thatched roofs because it left thousands of people homeless, and in return he was sentenced to 18 months in prison. Foreign-funded media and human rights programs that once reported on Kagame’s excesses, repression or policy failings—including programs run by Transparency International, Lawyers without Borders and the Rwandan League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights —have shut down or become toothless under government pressure. The Rwandan people know that to survive in such an environment, and to benefit from any government- or foreign-funded aid, they must be loyal to their president. Few other countries can mimic the results—95 percent participation rates in everything from elections to government health programs. Foreign donors echo the faux optimism, celebrating these programs’ efficiency and praising Kagame as a progressive leader; he is acclaimed, for instance, for promoting gender equality in the Rwandan parliament, where women outnumber men—even though the legislature has little power.

The United States, without doubt, is Kagame’s staunchest ally and oldest supporter, eager to maintain Rwanda as a strategic partner with a powerful army in mineral-rich eastern Africa. In the 1990s, Kagame studied at the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College in Fort Leavenworth, Kans., before he returned to Rwanda and seized power in 1994. (More recently, his son Ivan trained at West Point.) Although the United States typically provides only about half a million dollars in bilateral military aid to Rwanda, high-ranking current and former U.S. officials—including not only Bill Clinton but also national security adviser Susan Rice and Jendayi Frazer, a former top Africa diplomat—have a history of backing Kagame, despite evidence of abuses by his forces.

U.N. documentation implicates senior Rwandan military staff who report directly to Kagame in the large-scale massacre of perhaps tens of thousands of civilians, including unarmed women and children, in 1996 and 1998—acts that the United Nations has said are war crimes and possibly acts of genocide. (Kagame has said in response that his troops were difficult to control just after the genocide.) At the time of the massacres, Rice, then the assistant secretary of state for African affairs, reportedly said in a private conversation, “The only thing we [the United States] have to do is look the other way.” Later, as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, she reportedly tried to block the publication of a 2010 U.N. report about the killings. (Rice denies that the United States “supported, encouraged or condoned” Rwanda’s invasion of Congo, during which the massacres occurred.) Washington has also shielded Kagame from the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), set up to prosecute killings during the genocide: In 2003, the United States pushed to remove Carla del Ponte, an ICTR prosecutor, after she began to investigate crimes linked to Kagame, which the United States feared would destabilize his government.

U.N. evidence also shows that Rwanda long supported rebel groups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo that are accused of crimes against humanity and mass rape, though Kagame officially denies his military’s involvement. A portion of Rwanda’s support stopped last year after warnings from the United States, which suspended some military aid last year, though Washington is now considering reinstating the funds. The mostly symbolic U.S. aid cut, after months of foot-dragging, helped to restore peace in Congo at least temporarily. But millions of dollars in foreign aid continue to flow to the Rwandan government, and Kagame’s supporters seem reluctant to diminish their praise. Bill Clinton, asked last year about Kagame’s tight grip on the press and political opponents, insisted he did not support it but admitted, “I suppose I do make more allowances for a government that produces as much progress as this one.” Or, as Sen. James Inhofe (R-Okla.), visiting Rwanda in January, put it, “I speak on behalf of many fellow senators back home, and I assure you that [the United States] doesn’t have a better friend than Kagame.”

Read more: http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2014/02/rwanda-paul-kagame-americas-darling-tyrant-103963.html#ixzz2vkfY6imG

Ingabire Victoire, Faustin Twagiramungu and Fr. Thomas Nahimana, the most popular politicians of Rwanda.

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On February 23rd 2014, the online news outlet theRwandan asked its Rwandan readership to vote from a list of nine names the candidate who could become their next president in 2017.

From the outset, the list of names seemed to be a problem. There were some personalities that were not supposed to be there. I questioned the criteria that had guided the selection. This was my opinion. I decided to ask the editor about that issue. The commissioner of the opinion pool replied saying that the only objective of the exercise was to measure the popularity of preeminent Rwandan politicians.

I was finding that some personalities were even missing from the list. In my views, these individuals were worth being put forward for a popularity contest as well, because they had persistently voiced their concerns about Rwanda. They are as politically ambitious as anybody else and I don’t think they would decline the opportunity of accessing to the top office if they had that chance. Simple popularity contest or not, I could not agree with whatever criteria had guided who to put in the competition or who to exclude.

On March 11th 2014 the ranking of the nine candidates voted by 688 voters stood as this: Paul Rusesabagina [PDR Imanzi] (2%, 14 votes);Theogene Rudasingwa [RNC] (2%, 15 votes); Bernard Ntaganda[PS-Imberakuri] (2%, 15 votes); Deogratias Mushayidi [PDP-Imanzi] (5%, 33 votes); Kigali V Ndahindurwa [Party Inyabutatu] (7%, 48 votes); Paul Kagame [RPF] (18%, 123 votes); Thomas Nahimana[Party Ishema] (18%, 126 votes); Faustin Twagiramungu [RDI-Rwanda Rwiza] (22%, 148 votes); Victoire Umuhoza Ingabire [FDU-Inkingi] (24%, 166 votes).

Back to the listed candidates, according to the Rwandan constitution which provides for only two terms for the president, since Paul Kagame is already in the middle of his second term, we could logically consider that the votes of those who selected him should be considered as invalid. There are as well candidates such as Victoire Umuhoza Ingabire, Deogratias Mushayidi and Bernard Ntaganda who have been sentenced by Rwandan courts for more than six months of imprisonment. We can argue on the fairness of their trials. That is the reality. However, unless the regime which has convicted them through its judiciary system is removed from power, its judgements against these politicians could prevail, come 2017 elections. And because of that they would not be eligible for any public office, this again according to the Rwandan laws. Could we all agree that they have been unfairly treated by RPF which does not respect anybody’s right and always seek to tarnish anyone who could be a threat against them!

With a closer look at the scores, what do we have? What might have influenced people voting for such candidate and not this other one?

Paul Rusesabagina comes last. On the candidate’s credit is the fact that he saved more than one thousand Tutsis by sheltering them at Hotel des Milles Collines, this during the 1994 genocide. Such heroic act has attracted him broad international praise and triggered the production of the movie Hotel Rwanda. He has foreign friends particularly Americans who would like to see him become the future Rwandan President. As the score shows, he however lacks something that the voters see him being unable to deliver to become their leader.

Theogene Rudasingwa is the spokesperson of RNC. Former adviser of Paul Kagame and ambassador to Washington, since the creation of the party, he appears to be the front runner of that grouping of ex-RPF top strategists. He has been instrumental in diminishing the image of FDU-Inkingi which was the main political party of the opposition, but of recent has significantly been weakened despite the incontestable popularity of its leader. Would the weak score in the opinion poll be a result of persistent distrust among voters for the former RPF thinkers and top operatives? This might probably be the case.

Bernard Ntaganda and his party PS-Imberakuri were the only officially registered political party of the opposition until 2010 when it was infiltrated by RPF and split into two factions. Lawyer by profession, Ntaganda is part of the new generation of Rwandan politicians, but probably because of his imprisonment in 2010 which deprived him of freedom of speech for expressing his party’s positions and the personalities of other candidates on the political scene, he could not shine much in the present competition.

Deo Mushayidi is as well a former RPF high rank official, but his early defection to the opposition and his political positions made him more credible than his comrades. He has been sentenced to life imprisonment, apparently because he is ideologically a threat to the very existence of the foundations of RPF regime. He presents intelligently what the RPF regime wrongly stands for, or its contradictions about: protection of the Tutsi minority, democracy, development and justice.

Kigali V Ndahindurwa, is the ex Tutsi monarch, that Paul Kagame cannot stand, because he represents rightly or wrongly a threat to his total authority in the country. That he still gather some supporters, this means that, despite the abolition of the monarchy in 1961, there are sympathisers of what he represents in the Rwandan community.

Paul Kagame should not normally be featured among the competitors for reasons explained above. Sorry that I cannot comment on the score he managed to get. The Rwandan constitution is clear: no third term for a president.

Thomas Nahimana is another member of the younger generation of Rwandan politicians. His party Ishema, though only one year old, has brought on the Rwandan political scene new elements that were lacking: transparency, organization and demand for excellence. Its approaches appear less opportunistic than those of other political formations. For that reason, sometime it has seemed controversial in its positions. For example, though Ishema understands the plight of the Rwandan refugees, particularly those trapped in Eastern Congo, it does not espouse working with the rebel movement FDLR as long as violence could be part of solutions to bring political change in Rwanda.

Faustin Twagiramungu is a politician of the old guard. At some extent he is comparable to the Congolese opponent Etienne Tshisekedi for having served regimes that he fights against today. Always controversial in his views, though still popular in certain circles particularly among the youth which sees him as an opportunity for change, his past alliance with RPF and its disastrous consequences for the country continues to impact negatively on his credibility.

Victoire Umuhoza Ingabire, leader of FDU-Inkingi, is coming on top of the contest of popularity among Rwandan politicians for a number of reasons: she has come a long way and endured a lot of sacrifices; being the first Rwandan woman to want to become president; in her quest she publicly challenged Paul Kagame’s policies and particularly the many injustices that target the Hutu population. Despite the fact that her political party is presently divided and she is imprisoned, she represents for the majority of Rwandans indistinctively a window of hope for peaceful change.

I did not insist on ethnicity in this highlight of the outcome of the opinion poll because if it was of paramount significance, Hutus who are at the bottom of the list could’ve scored better than Tutsis who are higher in the scoring. This is the case of Kigeli V Ndahindurwa, Deogratias Mushayidi, and Theogene Rudasingwa. I think though ethnicity cannot be totally ignored, there seems to be other factors at play which are more important than that.

Between the three top scorers: Victoire Umuhoza Ingabire, Faustin Twagiramungu and Thomas Nahimana are all Hutus. None of them can totally reassure the majority of Tutsis who only feel safe when one of theirs is ruling. But this notion of safety must be understood in the sense that it means when Hutus do have their fundamental rights because that has been the case historically. In other terms, only Tutsis feel safe when Hutus are oppressed.

In order to overcome such situation my suggestion would be for example for Hutu leaders to seek alliance with people like Deogratias Mushayidi, a Tutsi leader who has persistently demonstrated an uncompromising understanding and objectivity in his interpretation of the Rwandan problems: social, economic and political.

Opinion polls like this one are online exercises which imply that to participate one needs to have access to Internet. For example it wouldn’t be wrong to assume that voters who participated into this competition of popularity among Rwandan politicians are significantly Rwandans living in exile, particularly in the West where access to internet is much more spread than in Africa including Rwanda.

Inside Rwanda the scoring could’ve been different for many diverse reasons if voters could’ve been informed about this competition and had access to internet. Some of the factors which could’ve played on their minds are: RPF daily influence and propaganda, level of objective knowledge about the candidates, etcetera.

Source: http://therisingcontinent.files.wordpress.com/2010/11/ingabire.jpg