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OPEX Turquoise (Rwanda ): Communiqué of Général Jean Claude LAFOURCADE, former Commander

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A requirement of truth

The Turquoise Force is regularly accused of having protected the Rwandan government by acting and of facilitating its escape in July 1994, a charge that is systematically repeated by the media. I denounce an amalgam and a counter truth.

While this government was composed of 21 people, only two members passed through the Turquoise zone from 16 to 17 July before moving to Zaire. These are:

Dr. Theodore Sindikuwabo, Speaker of the National Assembly and Acting President of the Rwandese Republic from 9 April to 19 July 1994 (died in 1998 in Bukavu).
Jerome Bicamumpaka Minister of Foreign Affairs (arrested in 1999, transferred to the ICTR, acquitted of all charges on 30 September 2011 and released.
Two out of twenty-one people do not constitute a “government” but they are mere isolated and uninfluenced individuals, one of whom has been laundered by the ICTR. It is therefore wrong to say that the Rwandan interim government passed through the Turquoise zone.

In addition, the Turquoise Force could not arrest prominent foreign government officials who were still members of the UN Security Council at the time. She had neither the mandate nor the legal capacity.

As the anniversary of the genocide begins, It is important that French journalists, in accordance with their professional ethics charter, implement the principles of this charter by checking the information provided by pressure groups before relay without discernment or hindsight. Otherwise, they participate in a misinformation company.

General Jean Claude LAFOURCADE
Former Commander of Operation Turquoise (Rwanda)

The ASAF expresses its unwavering support to the French soldiers who were engaged in Operation Turquoise in 1994.
It denounces the lies and manipulations of Paul Kagame, tyrant and genocidal, president of Rwanda for a quarter of a century, which unfortunately enjoys the complicity of some French media.

Reissued on the ASAF website: http://www.asafrance.fr
https://www.asafrance.fr/item/opex-turquoise-rwanda-communique-du-general-jean-claude-lafourcade-ancien-commandant.html

J’agis pour Déogratias MUSHAYIDI

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AM 2019-03 Deo Mushayidi couv
Le 19 / 02 / 2019Militer pour la paix

Déogratias Mushayidi  a toujours milité de manière non-violente en faveur de la paix et la démocratie au Rwanda. Tutsi, il a perdu sa famille durant le génocide de 1994, où plus de 800 000 Tutsis ont été massacrés. M. Mushayidi était alors le représentant en Suisse du Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR), la rébellion armée dont Paul Kagamé – aujourd’hui président de la République – était l’un des principaux leaders politiques. À la fin de la guerre, M. Mushayidi  rejoint le secrétariat général du FPR au Rwanda. Constatant des exécutions extra-judiciaires commises en toute impunité par le FPR, il décide au bout de 6 mois de quitter son poste. Il entame alors une carrière de journaliste au Rwanda et critique ouvertement les dérives autoritaires du FPR.

Sous le poids des menaces, il s’exile en Belgique en 2000 et obtient le statut de réfugié. En Europe, il se mobilise pour rassembler Hutus et Tutsis en vue d’un changement politique pacifique au Rwanda. En novembre 2008, il fonde en Belgique, le parti Pacte de défense du peuple (PDP), dont il devient président.

L’année suivante, il rejoint le continent africain et tente de rassembler la diaspora rwandaise. Son voyage s’arrête en mars 2010 où il est arrêté en Tanzanie avec un visa périmé sur un faux passeport burundais. Il est transféré successivement au Burundi puis au Rwanda.

Un prisonnier oublié dans les geôles rwandaises

M. Mushayidi est condamné six mois plus tard, le 17 septembre 2010, à la prison à perpétuité par la Haute Cour de justice après avoir été reconnu coupable, au cours d’un procès expéditif sans témoin à charge, de « fausse déclaration pour l’obtention d’un passeport burundais, propagation de rumeurs incitant à la désobéissance civile et recrutement d’une armée pour agresser le pouvoir en place ». Il fait appel de ce procès politique. En février 2012, la Cour Suprême confirme sa peine.

Depuis, M. Mushayidi se comporte de manière exemplaire en prison. Sans famille au Rwanda (sa femme et ses deux enfants habitent au Canada), il reçoit peu de visite. La communauté internationale et la société civile l’ont oublié et ne plaident plus sa cause depuis que sa détention a été officialisée au Rwanda. Alors que l’opposante Victoire Ingabire, a été libérée le 15 septembre 2018 (en même temps que 2 140 autres détenus), M. Mushayidi  reste désespérément emprisonné. Pourtant, il n’a jamais été violent et a toujours plaidé pour une nation rwandaise unie dans la paix. Ensemble,  exigeons la libération de Déogratias Mushayidi.

Source : ACAT

© 2019 ACAT France – Tout droits reservés

Les dépliants d’Addis, Bujumbura explique sa démarche

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Les dépliants d’Addis, Bujumbura explique sa démarche

Willy Nyamitwe: “Ce peuple meurtri a droit à la justice et c’est la démarche des instances judiciaires.”

Des dépliants ont été distribués par la délégation gouvernementale en marge du 32e sommet de l’UA évoquant le mandat d’arrêt du président Pierre Buyoya. Des tracts à mobile politique, selon le concerné.

Les opposants parlent de diversion et de récupération de l’affaire Ndadaye pour mobiliser l’électorat hutu à la veille des prochaines élections de 2020, et passer ainsi pour le justicier qui n’a pas peur de terrasser l’ancien homme fort du Burundi.

Le conseiller principal à la présidence de la République n’y va pas de main morte. L’ambassadeur Willy Nyamitwe assure que dans le même paquet que les détracteurs, il faut aussi ajouter la clique d’extrémistes qui, après avoir échoué à renverser les institutions démocratiquement élues par le truchement d’une insurrection et d’un Coup d’Etat, pensent qu’il est toujours possible de tirer sur la corde sensible, celle de l’ethnisme, pour capter la sympathie de l’opinion et attirer l’ostracisme sur le Gouvernement du Burundi. « Quand il fut battu par le président Ndadaye en 1993, le major et son artillerie propagandiste de mauvais perdants n’hésitèrent point à dénigrer le Peuple Burundais prétextant qu’il n’y avait pas eu d’élections mais qu’à la place d’une expression démocratique d’électeurs il y avait eu un recensement ethnique. La suite on la connaît, macabre. » Willy Nyamitwe indique qu’au-delà de leur appétit démesuré du pouvoir, ils ont commis l’irréparable, renversé les institutions et balayé avec une cruauté sans nom des vies humaines dont le nombre ne sera malheureusement jamais connu. « Ce peuple meurtri a droit à la justice et c’est la démarche des instances judiciaires. Que ceux qui détractent le Burundi et ses institutions comprennent que les temps sont révolus. »

Il est clair que Bujumbura ne va pas lâcher l’affaire. S’il ne mise pas trop sur l’extradition de l’ancien président, il n’en reste pas moins qu’il a décidé de ternir l’image du haut fonctionnaire de l’UA qu’il est devenu. Le dépliant le présente comme l’assassin du premier président démocratiquement élu et ses collaborateurs.

Au-delà de la bataille diplomatique et médiatique entre Bujumbura et Buyoya, les proches collaborateurs du président Melchior Ndadaye craignent que le volet judiciaire ne soit occulté.

Le président Sylvestre Ntibantunganya se dit favorable aux poursuites judiciaires. Les Burundais ont droit de connaître la vérité sur la préparation et l’exécution de l’assassinat du président Ndadaye. Pour l’ancien président qui a été destitué par le deuxième putsch de Pierre Buyoya, l’assassinat du président Ndadaye est la cause de toutes les difficultés auxquelles le Burundi a été confronté depuis lors jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Il n’exclut pas l’hypothèse d’une volonté de récupération politique. «Il a toujours été dit que d’une part le dossier sera tiré des tiroirs en cas de besoin pour des intérêts politiques. Et que d’autres se serviront de la politique d’autre part pour étouffer l’instruction judiciaire du dossier».

Pour rappel, Melchior Ndadaye est le premier président burundais démocratiquement élu. Investi le 10 juillet 1993, il est assassiné après 102 jours de pouvoir au cours d’un coup d’Etat sanglant, le 21 octobre 1993. Pontien Karibwami, président de l’Assemblée nationale, Gilles Bimazubute, vice-président de l’Assemblée nationale, Juvénal Ndayikeza, ministre de l’Administration du territoire et du Développement communal, trouvèrent également la mort.
Ce coup de force va déchaîner des violences inter-ethniques dans tout le pays, déclenchant une guerre civile, qui fera, selon les estimations, entre 50 000 (chiffre avancé par la Commission internationale d’enquête des ONG) et 100 000 (chiffre avancé par les délégués du Haut-commissariat aux Réfugiés).

Stupéfaction de Buyoya

Pierre Buyoya: « A un an des élections, le pouvoir veut instrumentaliser
la justice pour écarter des personnalités gênantes. »

Lors du 32e sommet de l’UA, la délégation de Bujumbura a arpenté couloirs et salles de conférence, distribuant un dépliant (deux pages) qui fait: « une mise au point du Burundi sur le mandat d’arrêt du président Pierre Buyoya. » Le dépliant explique que l’ancien homme fort du pays, Pierre Buyoya, doit rendre des comptes. Il est accusé d’être l’instigateur de l’assassinat du président Melchior Ndadaye et de plusieurs de ses collaborateurs.

Cette « mise au point » du Burundi, c’est aussi une réponse à Moussa Faki, le président de la commission de l’Union africaine. Dans son communiqué sorti au lendemain du lancement du mandat d’arrêt contre Buyoya, 2 décembre dernier, il s’était fermement opposé à cette poursuite estimant que « Cela va compliquer la recherche d’une solution consensuelle conformément à l’esprit de réconciliation nationale ».

Le dépliant distribué à Addis Abeba est clair. Bujumbura persiste et signe. « Pour le Burundi, ne pas poursuivre les auteurs et/ ou planificateurs d’un renversement d’institutions démocratiquement élues et de crimes atroces de 1993, c’est cela qui compliquerait, plutôt, la recherche d’une solution consensuelle ».

« Cela porte atteinte à mon honneur »

« Stupéfaction » C’est ainsi que l’on pourrait résumer la réaction de Pierre Buyoya, présent au sommet de l’Union africaine. Il s’est vite empressé de réagir. « Cela porte atteinte à mon honneur » a-t-il déclaré. L’ancien président occupe un poste important de haut représentant de l’Union Africaine pour le Mali et le Sahel. Dans son communiqué, il a parlé de tract distribué en méconnaissance des règles de fonctionnement de l’Union africaine. Pour lui, à un an des élections, le pouvoir veut instrumentaliser la justice pour écarter des personnalités gênantes. Pour « cette poursuite contre lui est une entreprise politique qui ne peut que pérenniser la haine dans l’esprit et la haine dans l’esprit et la mémoire du Burundais ». Bujumbura, dit-il, doit avoir d’autres priorités notamment un dialogue sincère pour mettre un terme à la crise.

Quid de la distribution des dépliants dans un sommet de haut niveau ?

«Originale » pour certains, peu orthodoxe pour d’autres, la démarche de la délégation burundaise au sommet de l’Union Africaine a suscité des réactions au sein de la classe diplomatique.

Selon un diplomate, les canaux traditionnels, en passant par l’ambassade ou par un envoyé spécial, sont préférables et sérieux. « La délégation burundaise a manifesté un manque de respect et de rigueur diplomatique. Diffuser un tract hors propos avec les débats du jour est ridicule. »

Un autre diplomate estime que tous les moyens sont bons pour transmettre l’information entre pairs. Cela peut passer par un coup de téléphone à un envoi de document suivant les canaux habituels. « Nous n’avez pas idée de ce qu’on peut se transmettre lors d’un sommet. Une clé USB contenant un document important peut passer d’une main à une autre. Alors pourquoi pas un dépliant ?

Source : Iwacu

AFRICA / 15 FEBRUARY 2019, 07:06AM / SHANNON EBRAHIM

Source:WWW.IOL.CO.ZA

Canadian General Romeo Dallaire alleged that the RPF’s Tutsi Commander Paul Kagame had allowed the genocide to continue longer than it needed to. Picture: AP Photo/Markus Schreiber

Exactly twenty years ago I sat in an Ottawa cafe with Canadian General Romeo Dallaire, the former Commander of the UN Peacekeeping operation in Rwanda at the time of the genocide. Six years after his utterly failed mission, Dallaire was suffering from post-traumatic stress, but I was told he had something very important to tell me. Nothing could have prepared me for what I was to hear, especially considering I had just visited Rwanda, its genocide memorials, and sat taking notes around a dinner table with the Rwandan cabinet.

Dallaire did say that he didn’t expect me to believe what he was saying under the circumstances, but that it was the truth, and one day I would realise the veracity of what he was telling me. It has taken me twenty years to process that conversation and to have the courage to write about it.

Dallaire started out by recounting the horrifying days of the genocide, and his sheer helplessness in the face of the refusal of the big powers sitting at the UN to authorise and capacitate his mission on the ground to intervene to stop the bloodletting. A genocide unfolded before his eyes that took 800 000 Tutsi lives in 100 days. The trauma of that type of guilt is something too grave for any human to overcome.

Much of Dallaire’s story is recounted in his memoir Shaking Hands with the Devil. What I never expected to hear from him, however, was what came next. Dallaire alleged that the Rwanda Patriotic Front’s Tutsi Commander Paul Kagame had allowed the genocide to continue longer than it needed to. Dallaire’s interpretation was that in Kagame’s calculations, the extent of the genocide was likely to ensure that the RPF would be able to rule the country for decades into the future, due to the collective guilt of the international community. At the time, it was all too much for me to absorb or accept.

Dallaire also told me about emails he had been receiving since the end of the genocide from French Canadian nuns he had known on the ground in Rwanda. Their repeated messages said that Hutus were disappearing on a weekly basis in Rwanda, taken from their homes in the dead of night, never to be seen again. The idea that the liberators could have been slowly cleansing their society of members of the Hutu majority, quietly abducting them without a trace, was horrifying. Dallaire claimed to have heard similar reports from other people he considered reliable sources.

As time went by more was unravelled, this time by human rights organisations about camps of Hutu refugees in the Eastern DRC having been “liquidated” by the Rwandan military in the years after the genocide. These were camps with tens of thousands of men, women and children in them that were simply eliminated from the face of the earth. It is something that the Rwandan government, with Paul Kagame as its President denied, but many mass graves were eventually found by the UN and human rights organisations.

If one peels away all the gloss that is the dominant narrative about Rwanda – the 8% economic growth rate, the reduction in poverty and maternal mortality rates, the advances in education, IT, and the low levels of crime and corruption – a very different picture emerges. The miracle and image of Rwanda’s successes gives way to a nation gripped by fear, fear to say what they really think, to vote the way they want, to challenge government policies, or to hold their leaders to account. The 25 years of Kagame’s rule has ensured this culture of fear and intimidation, where at each election Kagame claims to have won well over 90% of the vote, boasting that the poll is nothing but a formality to confirm his right to rule.

The intoxicating addiction to power led Kagame to preside over a referendum in 2015 to amend the constitution to allow him to run for a third term in office in 2017, enabling him to extend his rule by a further seven years. The amendment also allows him to stand for a further two terms beyond 2024, potentially allowing him to remain in power until 2034. The result of the referendum was supposedly 98% in favour.

The EU and the US may have criticised the amendments saying it undermined democratic principles, but the US continues to provide 20% of the Rwandan national budget, the UK is the second biggest donor and Rwanda’s foreign aid budget as a whole total US$1 billion annually. No matter how Kagame may have manipulated electoral outcomes, he has remained the darling of the West. Collective guilt for not intervening to stop the genocide? A desperate need for a foreign aid success story? Or the reliable extraction of strategic minerals from the Eastern DRC, and the secure corridor Rwanda provide for their transport out of the region?

Whatever drives the West, what is particularly troubling is the levels of domestic repression Rwandans are living under. Any attempt to criticise the government is deemed a threat to national security and an attempt to stoke sectarianism. Critics, opponents, and journalists are jailed or disappeared, and the numbers are rising. It is no longer only opposition leaders or critics that are jailed, but their family members as well. To add to the draconian nature of the state, it is documented by Human Rights Watch that petty criminals are being extra-judicially executed by the security forces. Some villagers are shot for stealing a cow or a bike. It is all part of a strategy to spread fear in the society to enforce order, absolute control, and keep the electorate subdued.

For the last year Kagame presided over the African Union as its Chair, but his façade of good governance and democracy was never challenged. Perhaps it is time to tell the truth about the way things really are in Rwanda and to start challenging some of the myths that surround the notion of the Rwandan miracle. I have to wonder whether if Madiba was still alive he wouldn’t have called for a more transparent electoral system, and supported the notion of majority rule in Rwanda?

* Shannon Ebrahim is the Group Foreign Editor

 

 

Cour de cassation: Pierre PEAN gagbe le procès contre SOS Racisme. (Publié en 2011)

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pean-pierre.jpg

Vendredi 11 Novembre 2011 13h32

Le 8 novembre dernier, après cinq années de coûteuses procédures, la Cour de Cassation a rejeté le pourvoi formé par l’association SOS racisme qui poursuivait Pierre Péan, auteur d’un livre intitulé « Noires fureurs, Blancs menteurs » et dans lequel il prend le contre-pied de l’histoire officielle concernant le génocide du Rwanda[1] . Pierre Péan ayant gagné ses procès en première instance et en appel, SOS Racisme subit donc une troisième grave défaite, ce qui devrait faire réfléchir ses généreux donateurs.

A travers ce procès emblématique, SOS Racisme a montré son vrai visage, celui d’une organisation militante dont l’acharnement contre Pierre Péan avait pour but de décourager ceux qui oseraient à l’avenir mettre en doute la thèse de Kigali concernant le génocide du Rwanda.

Or, l’histoire « officielle » de ce génocide a été totalement bouleversée à travers quatre jugements rendus par le TPIR (Tribunal pénal international sur le Rwanda)[2]. Expert assermenté dans trois de ces quatre procès, je suis bien placé pour décrypter la portée des jugements rendus et cela, au-delà du véritable « enfumage » auquel se sont livrés les média ayant une fois de plus agi en simples porte-voix du régime de Kigali et de la vision de l’histoire qu’il prétend imposer.

1) Le 28 novembre 2007, la Chambre d’Appel du TPIR a acquitté Ferdinand Nahimana, un des fondateurs de la Radio Télévision des Mille Collines (RTLM) de l’accusation « de commettre le génocide, d’incitation directe et publique à commettre le génocide, de persécution et d’extermination », considérant que la création de RTLM n’entrait en rien dans le plan génocidaire. Or, jusque là, la thèse officielle était que le génocide avait été programmé puisque les « extrémistes hutu » avaient fondé la RTLM pour le préparer.

2) Le 18 décembre 2008 le TPIR a déclaré le colonel Bagosora non coupable « d’entente en vue de commettre un génocide », faisant ainsi voler en éclats les bases mêmes de l’histoire officielle du génocide du Rwanda car le colonel Bagosora fut constamment présenté comme le « cerveau » de ce génocide.

3) Selon le régime de Kigali, le génocide fut planifié par l’Akazu (ou petite maison, ou petite hutte), cercle nébuleux et criminel constitué autour de la belle famille du Président Habyarimana et dont Protais Zigiranyirazo, frère d’Agathe Habyarimana, épouse du président, était le chef. Ce petit groupe aurait comploté et planifié l’extermination des Tutsi dans le but de préserver son pouvoir et son influence. Le procès de M. Zigiranyirazo était donc lui aussi emblématique puisqu’il était censé mettre en évidence le cœur même de la préparation du génocide.

Or, le 18 décembre 2008 en première instance le TPIR a écarté la thèse du complot ourdi par M. Zigiranyirazo et sa belle famille et l’a acquitté du principal chef d’accusation, à savoir d’avoir prémédité le génocide et d’avoir comploté en ce sens avec le colonel Bagosora et Agathe Kanziga épouse du président Habyarimana pour exterminer les Tutsi du Rwanda. Le mythe de l’Akazu s’envolait donc. Le 16 novembre 2009, en appel, M. Zigiranyirazo a été acquitté des dernières accusations pendantes et immédiatement libéré.

4) Dans l’affaire dite Militaires I étaient notamment jugés les anciens chefs d’état-major de l’armée et de la gendarmerie, les généraux Augustin Bizimungu et Augustin Ndindiliyimana. Le 19 mai 2011, ils ont été acquittés du chef principal qui était celui de l’entente en vue de commettre le génocide. Ainsi donc, pour le TPIR, la hiérarchie militaire n’a ni prémédité, ni programmé le génocide.

A travers ces quatre jugements[3], c’est donc l’histoire « officielle » du génocide du Rwanda qui est réduite à néant. En effet, si ce génocide ne fut ni prémédité, ni programmé, c’est donc qu’il fut « spontané ».

Or, l’évènement majeur et déclencheur qui provoqua la folie meurtrière fut l’assassinat du président Habyarimana dans la soirée du 6 avril 1994, puisque les massacres commencèrent dès la nouvelle de l’attentat connue, quand les partisans du président assassiné attribuèrent ce crime au FPR, donc à leurs yeux aux Tutsi et à leurs alliés hutu, les « Hutu modérés » des journalistes.

Ceux qui ont abattu l’avion du président Juvenal Habyarimana portent donc l’immense responsabilité d’avoir directement ou indirectement provoqué le drame du Rwanda. Or encore, selon le juge français Bruguière et le juge espagnol Merelles, le président Kagamé aurait ordonné cet attentat et ils donnent même les noms de ceux qui auraient tiré les deux missiles ayant abattu l’avion présidentiel.

Voilà ce qui dérange les « amis » de Kigali, dont SOS Racisme. D’autant plus que Théogène Rudasindwa, ancien directeur de cabinet de Paul Kagamé, exige d’être entendu par le TPIR et par un juge français afin, selon ses propres termes, de pouvoir « divulguer tous les détails sur l’attentat du 6 avril 1994 » dont il impute la responsabilité à l’actuel chef de l’Etat rwandais. L’heure de vérité approche donc, et inexorablement.

Bernard Lugan

11/11/11

[1] Pour la déconstruction de cette histoire officielle, on se reportera à mon livre Rwanda : contre-enquête sur le génocide. Privat, 2007.

[2] Pour les détails, explications et développements concernant ces procès, l’on se reportera à l’Afrique réelle n°4

[3] Les prévenus ont été condamnés pour d’autres motifs que celui de préméditation du génocide. Voir à ce sujet les commentaires de ces jugements dans l’Afrique réelle.

RWANDA 2019 : ANNÉE DE LA MARCHE DE LA RÉVOLUTION

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Gouvernement du Peuple Rwandais en Exil

Discours du Président à l’occasion du Nouvel an 2019

RWANDA 2019 : Année de la Révolution

I. Mes chers compatriotes rwandais,

Chers voisins et amis du Rwanda,

1. Permettez-moi d’entamer cette courte allocution par vous formuler mes vœux les meilleurs pour l’année nouvelle qui commence en ce moment même.

2. Il ne serait d’ailleurs pas du tout superflu de rappeler que l’’année de 2018 qui s’en va, fut un temps riche en rebondissements et fort en émotions. Nous ne citerons ici que les trois moments les plus mémorables :

3. Primo : La libération, même provisoire ou conditionnelle, des prisonniers politiques les plus emblématiques de l’opposition à savoir Madame Victoire INGABIRE, Monsieur Kizito MIHIGO , Mademoiselle Diane SHIMA RWIGARA et sa maman fut le summum des événements qui auront profondément marqué cette année politique unique en son genre. Ainsi, grâce au courage exceptionnel de ces filles de notre peuple, nous avons vu la terreur battre en retraite et laisser renaître l’espoir que le changement est toujours possible au Rwanda.

4. Secundo : Les conflits désormais trainés sur la place publique, avec les pays voisins du Rwanda, en premier lieu le Burundi, ont marqué un tournant décisif dans la diplomatie régionale qui ne supporte plus le triste jeu de cache-cache criminel, marque déposée du régime de Paul Kagame ! Dorénavant, le gouvernement de Paul Kagame, est non pas le Rwanda en tant que pays-nation, est publiquement déclaré « ennemi » du peuple burundais ! Qualificatif dangereux et déshonorant dont le peuple frère du Rwanda ne voudra être affublé plus longtemps  encore! Les fauteurs de troubles devront être amenés à répondre de leurs actes en leurs propres noms et cesser de ternir l’image de notre peuple, pour des intérêts égoistes et criminels.

5. Tertio : Le semblant de réchauffement des relations diplomatiques entre Paris et le dictateur Paul Kagame , au détriment de la justice tant attendue, nous aura réveillé et en même temps informé qu’aucun pays étranger, fût-il puissant voire ami de longue date, ne saura garantir et protéger les intérêts réels et légitimes du peuple rwandais. Qu’au contraire, le Rwanda ne pourra compter que sur l’intelligence et la détermination de ses propres filles et fils pour résister efficacement à l’oppression et se libérer du régime tyrannique assez supporté depuis bientôt 25 ans.

II. Voilà pourquoi l’année 2019 qui arrive à grands pas devra être pour nous l’année des bouleversements politiques sans précédents et du retournement de la situation en faveur de la libération du peuple rwandais et de la pacification décisive de la Région des grands lacs.

6. En d’autres termes, notre ferme volonté est de faire de l’année 2019 une année hautement révolutionnaire. Et cette révolution populaire que nous appelons de nos vœux connaîtra , à notre humble analyse, trois phases majeures :

a. L’urgente réorganisation de l’opposition démocratique rwandaise qui verra nos diverses organisations politiques et citoyennes se doter rapidement d’un nouveau cadre de concertation, d’une feuille de route claire et d’un comité exécutif plus représentatif.

b. Ensuite, et si besoin est, la mise en place de moyens de pressions nouvelles, mieux coordonnées et plus intelligentes.

c.Et enfin, une vraie stratégie et une réelle volonté politique d’engager des pourparlers avec le dictateur Paul Kagame en vue de construire ensemble des solutions efficaces et durables aux problèmes majeurs qui secouent notre peuple  dont :

(1)L’ouverture de l’espace politique

(2)La libérétion de tous les prisonniers politiques

(3)Le retour pacifique et digne de tous les réfugiés rwandais

III. Mes très chers compatriotes,

7. Levons-nous et faisons tout ce qu’il y a à faire pour que l’année 2019 soit l’année des solutions. Vous êtes certainement sans l’ignorer, pour réussir, chacun devra accepter d’y apporter généreusement sa contribution.

8. Et dans ce cadre, le Gouvernement du Peuple Rwandais en exil que j’ai l’honneur de présider ne ménagera aucun effort pour que prenne corps l’unité de l’opposition démocratique rwandaise afin qu’éclose cette révolution constructive que le menu peuple attend depuis déjà bien longtemps.

A vous tous citoyens rwandais , au pays comme en exil, j’adresse mes voeux les meilleurs.

Aux peuples des pays voisins, je souhaite une année de paix et de prospérité.

A toutes les forces de l’opposition rwandaise, sans distinction aucune, RENDEZ-VOUS à KIGALI, avant fin de 2019.

Vive la République

Qu’émerge le Rwanda Moderne et Réconcilié.

Thomas Nahimana,

Président

IMG-20170619-WA0005

Rwandan Gov in Exile Media

Portrait of Paul Kagame – President of the Republic of Rwanda

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Portrait KP

Paul Kagame is not just any other African dictator. He seems to hold the keys to modernity. He enjoys, or at least has long enjoyed, a positive aura on the international scene. He governs Rwanda, which was home to one of the most horrible nightmares known by Humanity in recent decades. Too equanimous a writer would not have been suitable to discuss such a personality, particularly in such a context. Gérard Prunier’s portrait reflects both the passion of a man who is sensitive to the dramas occurring in the area and the science of a great historian of Africa’s Great Lakes region.

Michel Duclos, Geopolitical Special Advisor, editor of this series

In the twilight of the 20th century, the Rwandan genocide of 1994 appears as the worrying token of a world that we hoped would end with the opening of another, one that would bring hope. The last century had been one of horror, but the recent fall of the “Evil Empire” seemed to symbolically close it. Yet Rwanda suddenly cast a gloomy light on this brand new optimism, which we tried to conceal with a poorly constructed historical parallel. In this small, obscure country, of which almost no one had ever heard, there had been an outbreak of “tropical Nazism”. Yet, among the two great terrors of the 20th century (Westerners never succeeded in conceiving universal history as anything other than exotic declinations of their own history, the only one that counts and marks the world’s true scansions), the two worst horrors had been Nazism and Stalinism. And here came the “filthy beast”, resurfacing in Africa and rekindling our worst memories.

The problem is that this historical parallel was not adequate. President Habyarimana was not very Hitlerian (and he had died at the time of the genocide). France was jumping up and down frantically to explain that no, this was not something it had ever wanted, and that, in any case, it hadn’t done anything. The United Nations, symbol of the post-1945 mantra “never again”, were indeed present in Rwanda, but hadn’t done anything either. Meanwhile, the African Union, i.e. the continent’s self-proclaimed conscience, was entrenched in a deafening silence. But fortunately, there was the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) – the good guys! – and their leader, who vaguely looked like some kind of warrior monk, Major Paul Kagame. What a relief. The tragedy had a hero, and the global public opinion welcomed him, finally relieved to find a savior in the midst of all this horror. But who was he really? Nobody knew. Not to mention that the general ignorance towards pre-genocide Rwanda was abyssal. The result was an unknown hero against a backdrop of African clichés.

Kagame very unconventional “military career” lasted 16 years and got him involved in some of the most extraordinary events of the century.

Paul Kagame was 36 years old at the time, and he was not really Rwandan. Having grown up in Uganda as the son of refugees since the age of four, he was a Major in the Ugandan army and a citizen of his host country. His trajectory was quite atypical for a refugee. Shortly after graduating from high school, he had joined the uprising guerrilla war in Uganda at the age of 20, as the Tanzanian army entered the country in 1978 to overthrow dictator Idi Amin Dada. His very unconventional “military career” lasted 16 years and got him involved in some of the most extraordinary events of the century.

He was profoundly shaped by this period of his life – his “Ugandan” life. Uganda in the 1970s and 1980s was a jungle dotted with corpses, where everyone betrayed everyone. The international community, which had rightly vilified Idi Amin, was walking away now that he had disappeared. It didn’t matter that dictator Milton Obote, elected in a rigged election approved by the British and Commonwealth authorities, killed more people than Idi Amin (more than 300,000 deaths between 1981 and 1986). What mattered was that, in the context of the Cold War, Obote was “a friend of the West”, even if he used North Korean artillery. In fact, this allowed Western powers to avoid getting their hands dirty in trying to keep the country together by their own means.

The West helped survivors to survive through international aid, and a division of labor that Kagame would later reproduce, first in Rwanda, and then in Congo. His contempt for the “international community”, his diplomatic cynicism and his humanitarian hypocrisy can be explained by his experience of the Ugandan civil wars between 1978 and 1986. So can his vision of the “hero”. Indeed, in January 1986, Kagame entered Kampala as a winner, alongside his leader Yoweri Museveni.That was before he saw this advocate of the extreme anti-colonialist left become, through a series of opportunist shifts, the perfect duplicate of what he had fought all his youth.

In 32 years, Museveni’s reformist power mutated into an authoritarian and corrupt State, and the former main opponent of the regime was the former head of the guerrilla’s medical services. Kagame reproduced exactly the same pattern, to the point that he now finds himself in conflict with an opposition composed by 80% of his former comrades in arms during the struggle of the 1990s (and not of ex-genocidaires as he suggests). First, of course, he served in the Ugandan regular army after the victory. Kagame, the chief’s loyal follower, became head of the army’s secret service. His profile was interesting to Museveni: Kagame was basically a foreigner, even after his years of war in Uganda. Some groups such as the Baganda or his own ethnic group, the Banyankole, constantly reminded him of this.

His contempt for the “international community”, his diplomatic cynicism and his humanitarian hypocrisy can be explained by his experience of the Ugandan civil wars between 1978 and 1986. So can his vision of the “hero”.

After all, there were only two “Rwandans” among the first 17 insurgents of 1981, the other being Fred Rwigyema, who became Chief of Staff of the Ugandan army. Two “foreigners” at the head of the country’s military establishment: what better way to prevent a coup? Kagame kept quiet, observed, learned. And he noticed the pursuit of the same humanitarian ambiguity that served Obote so well in his time. Amnesty International sent a mission to Uganda in order to criticize Museveni for his brutal treatment of imprisoned insurgents from northern ethnic groups, who supported Obote during the civil war and who continued to fight sporadically. The NGO called for the creation of a justice system able to deal with cases of detention of captives from the guerrillas. The President passed the problem on to Kagame, who was appointed President of the Armed Forces Itinerant Tribunal. He was perfect at the job, and the corpses resulting from the Tribunal’s convictions, which he brought back to Kampala, were always in excellent condition and showed no signs of abuse. The man is cold and merciless, but he is efficient and knows how to respect procedures.

In 1987, he began to extend his contacts within the Rwandan diaspora, who took advantage of his position in Uganda to set up a political military structure aiming to overthrow the Hutu regime in Kigali. However, anti-Rwandan pressure escalated in Uganda, where Museveni was forced to slowly marginalize an entire generation of refugees and their children who had supported his rise to power. After a brief hesitation, General Rwigyema, who, as a Ugandan, felt bitter and betrayed, switched sides and decided to join the RPF. For Kagame, this was a disaster: Rwigyema was very popular in the diaspora, while Kagame was not. Moreover, their two Rwandan affiliations were entirely antinomic: Rwigyema was the heir to the Banyingina royal family, while Kagame came from the Ababega clan, which overthrew and killed the King during the German colonial conquest in 1896.

The man is cold and merciless, but he is efficient and knows how to respect procedures.

A warm and friendly heir to the royal family versus the austere descendant of an usurping clan. The invasion of Rwanda that they were planning together was marked from the outset by personal and political ambiguity. Rwigyema was aware of the difficulty of having the Hutu majority accept a “liberation” led by the Tutsi minority. Even if the Habyarimana regime was a dictatorship, and even if its Hutu opponents were many. He relied on his charisma and his openness to the Hutus of the opposition to overcome the “feudal restoration” of which Habyarimana later spoke.

The RPF attacked Rwanda on 1 October 1990, and on 2 October, Fred Rwigyema, who had commanded the invasion forces, was killed by one of his own officers. The RPF will always deny the circumstances of this death, attributing it “to the fighting”. But apart from the fact that there was only one killed that day – the Commander-in-Chief – and that the given details of his death are contradictory, a worrying shadow hangs over the murder of the RPF leader. In fact, Museveni, who discreetly supported the invasion, also had Rwigyema’s two adjutants arrested and executed. Like many other episodes paving Paul Kagame’s road to power, this one will never be clarified. The war lasted four years, and burst into a genocide triggered by the assassination of President Habyarimana. The genocide was obviously planned by the most radical circles of Hutu power, but many accused Kagame of being the perpetrator of the attack. The most specific accusations came from former Tutsi members of the RPF, some of whom became active opponents of the Kagame regime. But the global impact of the genocide somewhat mesmerized the international community, which refused to think the unthinkable about the genocide’s liberator being an element of that same genocide. Yet, as Canadian General Dallaire, commander of the UN’s inactive forces, pointed out, the RPF leader did not seem overly moved by the passivity of the international community. Nor by the genocide itself. Dallaire, who was struggling with New York to get an order for intervention, felt more committed than the Rwandan. It actually seems like Kagame has never been too concerned about his fellow citizens. Among them, there were 80,000 Hutus, who were later “forgotten” in the commemorations of the genocide – which became known as “the genocide of the Tutsi”. As for the Tutsi deaths – between 700 and 800,000 – they seem to have been considered more as the “collateral damage” of the modernization process implemented later by the new post-genocidal power in Rwanda.

To realize this, one should have a conversation with members of Tutsi survivor associations, who are under no illusions regarding this issue. For Kagame, the genocide was a huge political opportunity, of which he managed to skillfully take advantage. He succeeded in exchanging a population of “indigenous” Tutsis, rooted in the complex and ambiguous Rwandan reality, for another population of diaspora Tutsi, much more educated, militarized and disciplined, who ended up being the ideal people for the RPF project.

Kagame had a plan for Rwanda. A plan similar to him: cold, efficient, entirely focused on technical success, not particular about the means employed. He managed to sell it to a relieved international public to whom he promised fundamental changes – an honest administration, security, urban cleanliness, improved transport and public health – as well as a few gadgets that always please Westerners, such as Internet access on buses or a ban on plastic bags.

Kagame, shrouded in the aura granted by his status as anti-genocidal hero, led the offensive and overthrew the old tyrant.

Protected by the genocidal shield, he knew he could practically do whatever he wanted. Moreover, he had always won in the past: escaping the fate of a stateless refugee to gain access to the highest levels of power in Uganda, taking control of the RPF, winning a second civil war in Rwanda by concealing his own violence thanks to the genocidal apocalypse, creating a government of “national unity” after the genocide, then abolishing it during a massacre committed by his own troops (Kibeho, 1995), and, finally, consolidating his absolute power thanks to election scores worthy of Stalin’s (95% in 2003, 93% in 2010 and 99% in 2017). He didn’t even need to cheat, everyone did actually vote for him. Fear was such that obedience became real. And the international community, trapped in its remorse and seduced by the progress he introduced, nodded along. He nonetheless did make a big mistake: invading Congo. It had all started so well: the surviving genocidaires, who had taken refuge just a few kilometres from the border, were constantly launching harassment raids on Rwanda, which were both unnecessary and deadly.

After two years of preparation, Kagame succeeded in gathering a coalition of African States, supported by the United States, which wanted to get rid of its old accomplice from the Cold War, Mobutu Sese Seko. Kagame, shrouded in the aura granted by his status as anti-genocidal hero, led the offensive and overthrew the old tyrant. This event was followed by President Clinton’s visit to Kigali, where the latter apologized for his country’s passive attitude during the genocide. The apology was justified, but the timing was not right. Kagame is steady-handed, but he is also extremely self-confident.

Encouraged by what he already saw as yet another success, a few months later, he took an unnecessary risk by attacking both some of his allies and the regime he had just succeeded to set up in Kinshasa. The war that ensued (1998-2002) shook the entire African continent and killed nearly three million people. At that moment, the “hero” had gone a little beyond his diplomatic comfort zone and had to leave the field. His failure even had unexpected side effects, as the international community finally dared to take a closer look at what the RPF had done since coming to power.

Kagame became President of the African Union in January 2018, which has allowed him to lecture his peers, for whom he only has limited respect.

When the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda was created, public opinion tried to do so but the Attorney General, the Canadian Louise Arbour, prohibited any investigation. It is only in June 2009 that the UN Mapping Report was published…on the Congo war! It did mention the “Rwandan army”, but only in a foreign perspective. Not a word about Rwanda itself, and thus of course nothing about its leader Paul Kagame.

Fascinated by Kagame’s heroic image, it seems like the international community hasn’t read this report, which is 500 pages long and highly documented, and continues to be indulgent towards the one Professor Filip Reyntjens from the University of Antwerp calls “the greatest war criminal in power today“. Kagame’s self-confidence was boosted by the disdain the international community displayed for the truth when, for example, the Paris Public Prosecutor requested a dismissal (13 October 2018) of the case against his associates who had been involved in the attack that cost Habyarimana his life.

Kagame became President of the African Union in January 2018, which has allowed him to lecture his peers, for whom he only has limited respect. The opposition had long been disciplined through robust methods. MP Léonard Hitimana and former President of the Court of Cassation Augustin Cyiza disappeared without trace. The Vice President of the Green Party (opposition) was found dead after being tortured. The journalist Jean-Léonard Rugambage, who was investigating the case of General Kayumba Nyamwasa, who had switched to the opposition, was killed in 2010 after Kayumba himself had been the target of two assassination attempts. Former Security Chief Patrick Karegeya was found strangled in a South African hotel room on 1 January 2014. Opposition journalist Charles Ingabire, a genocide survivor, was shot dead in the street in Kampala in November 2011. And so on and so forth.

Violence has even become “democratized” since 2016, with the summary executions of dozens of petty criminals (cow thieves, smugglers, fishermen using illegal nets…) killed by the army for no other reason than to frighten people in order to “keep order”. On her recent release, Victoire Ingabire, who had been sentenced to life imprisonment for daring to run in the elections against Kagame, said: “I hope this is the beginning of the opening of the Rwandan political sphere”. Unfortunately, this seems highly unlikely.

Kagame is an iron man. Yet even iron eventually rusts away. A few years ago, he faced all the challenges with a cool temper we could qualify as “British”, but that we call “itonde” in Kinyarwanda. When Colonel Tauzin declared, while defending Gikongoro, “that he would “give no quarter” if the RPF attacked and that an officer translated (Kagame did not understand the French expression “faire de quartier”) by saying: “it means that he will kill all the wounded”, he simply observed: “It is a little hostile, isn’t it?” Today, the same man is seen shouting at his bodyguards, slapping a secretary or trampling underfoot a Minister who crossed him. Many of his former comrades from 30 years ago have joined the opposition and live in exile. He and Museveni have hated each other since the Ugandan President investigated Rwigyema’s death and today, he helps a guerrilla group that has infiltrated the Nyungwe forest and entrenched itself there. Today, Paul Kagame is the master of Rwanda, the only African head of State who can speak as an equal with the world’s great leaders, and who can influence the decisions of most international tribunals. This involves a massive and solitary power, and absolute power is absolutely solitary.

gerard-prunier

By Gérard Prunier, Historian Horn of Africa specialist

Illustration : David MARTIN for Institut Montaigne

Source: Institut Montaigne

Rwanda: l’opposante Diane Rwigara acquittée

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Diane &MotherL’opposante rwandaise Diane Rwigara, critique du président Paul Kagame, a été acquittée jeudi par un tribunal de Kigali d’incitation à l’insurrection et falsification de documents, des charges qui lui ont valu d’être emprisonnée pendant plus d’un an et dénoncées comme politiques par l’intéressée.

“Les charges retenues par l’accusation sont sans fondement”, a déclaré le juge président Xavier Ndahayo. La salle d’audience bondée, dans laquelle avaient notamment pris place des membres de la famille Rwigara, a laissé exploser sa joie une fois la lecture de la décision achevée. Les cinq coaccusés de Diane Rwigara dans cette affaire, dont sa mère Adeline, ont également été acquittés. “C’est la preuve que toutes ces charges retenues contre moi, ma mère et des membres de ma famille étaient montées de toute pièce”, a réagi Diane Rwigara auprès de l’AFP. “J’ai l’énergie et le zèle pour continuer à me battre pour la liberté d’expression et les droits de l’Homme au Rwanda.”

Le tribunal a estimé que les critiques de Diane Rwigara contre le gouvernement ne constituaient pas une “incitation à l’insurrection” car elles s’inscrivent dans le cadre de son droit à la liberté d’expression garantie par la Constitution rwandaise et les lois internationales. Les juges ont également estimé que l’accusation n’avait pas prouvé que Diane Rwigara avait falsifié des signatures de partisans dans le dossier présenté à la commission électorale en vue de sa participation à la présidentielle de 2017. Le rejet de cette candidature avait été critiqué par des gouvernements occidentaux et des groupes de défense des droits de l’Homme.

Le Figaro.fr avec AFP

Rwandan who challenged president faces 22 years in jail as trial opens

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Diane Rwigara denies forgery and inciting insurrection in court in Kigali as prosecutors call for 22-year jail term

The trial of Rwanda’s leading dissident politician has opened with a demand from prosecutors that she be sentenced to 22 years in prison for inciting insurrection and forgery.

Diane Rwigara denies the charges, dismissing them as politically motivated after her blocked attempt to challenge the country’s president, Paul Kagame, in last year’s elections.

The 37-year-old appeared in court in Kigali, the capital, on Wednesday alongside her mother, who faces a similar sentence for alleged insurrection and promoting ethnic hatred.

The two women had spent more than a year behind bars before being released on bail last month ahead of their trial.

Kagame has won international praise for the stability and economic development he has brought to Rwanda since the 1994 genocide, when an estimated 800,000 people were killed, but he has also been accused of running an authoritarian, one-party state.

The 61-year-old former soldier won a landslide victory last year, securing a third term in office with 99% of the vote. His ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front remains unchallenged, and has developed substantial economic interests.

In court, Rwigara was defiant, insisting she had only spoken the truth about Rwanda and so could not be guilty of inciting the masses through falsehoods as the prosecution alleged.

“I stand by my remarks,” she told the court’s three judges. “They reflect my political journey, coupled with calling on Rwandans to resist fear and speak for our country.”

Rwigara denied forging signatures on electoral documents in an attempt to win a place on last year’s presidential ballot, an accusation she says was designed to derail her challenge to Kagame.

Watching proceedings in court was Victoire Ingabire, another woman who sought to run for the presidency in 2010, but was blocked from competing, arrested, tried and spent six years in jail before her release in September.

Ingabire was among more than 2,000 prisoners freed this month

Since Rwigara’s arrest last year, her brothers and sister have been interrogated, family assets have been forcibly auctioned to pay off a multi-million dollar tax claim, while a hotel the family owned was demolished for allegedly failing to abide by city guidelines.

Despite some discontent over unemployment and other domestic issues, and a controversial reputation overseas, Kagame appears to be genuinely popular in Rwanda, which has had some of the fastest economic growth rates in Africa and has become known for its stability in a deeply troubled region.

However, opposition activists, many in exile, say he runs a “police state”, jailing journalists and assassinating dissidents, even overseas. Others question the reliability of the economic statistics showing growth and allege that increasing cronyism could undermine economic progress.

Speaking to AFP earlier this week, Rwigara said Rwanda felt “like a prison”.

“The prison guard is none other than the ruling party … dictating to us how to live, what to do and what to say,” she said in an interview at her home in the capital Kigali.

Although the opposition Green party won its first-ever parliamentary seats earlier this year, Kagame and his party dominate and Rwigara is one of the very few openly critical voices in the country.

The high court is due to issue its verdict, and any sentence, on 6 December.

The Guardian

JEANNE MUKAMURENZI ARAHAMAGARIRA ABEPISKOPI GATOLIKA B’U RWANDA KUGIRA UBUTWARI BWO KURENGERA RUBANDIGOKA

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Ibaruwa ifunguye ya banyiricyubahiro Abepiskopi ba kilizaya gatulika mu Rwanda.

Ba Nyiricyubahiro, ndabasuhuje.

Ndagirango ngire icyo mvuga ku ibaruwa yanyu mwanditse mwamagana itegeko ryo gukuramo inda mukanayishyiraho imikono taliki 19 Ukwakira 2018.

Ba Nyiricyubahiro,

Iyi baruwa yagombaga kwandikwa igihe abazunguzayi barimo bakubitwa na Daso.

Iyi baruwa yagombaga kwandikwa igihe Umubyeyi Tewodonsiya Uwamahoro yicwaga ubwo yari yagiye kuzunguza agataro mumujyi wa Kigali mu buryo bwo gushaka icyatunga abana be, yishwe n’abashinzwe umutekano ahetse umwana kugeza na n’ubu ntawe uzi uko impfubyi yasize zibayeho.

Iyi baruwa yagombaga kwandikwa igihe abana 3 batwikirwaga muri ruhurura babiri bakahasiga ubuzima undi umwe agashya bikomeye ngo hagamijwe gukora isuku muri Kigali.

Iyi baruwa yagombaga kwandikwa ibaza ubuyobozi bw’URwanda irengero rya Illuminée Iragena waburiwe irengero kugeza magingo aya azira gusa ko yagemuriraga victoire Ingabire, umuryango we ugizwe n’umugabo n’abana bakameneshwa batamenye irengero ry’umuntu wabo.

Iyi baruwa yagombaga kwandikwa yamagana ubutegetsi burandura imyaka y’abaturage, bakabuzwa guhinga ibyo bashaka mu mirima yabo n’abagize amahirwe yo guhinga bakabuzwa kubisarura bikaborera mu mirima (ibirayi) cyangwa bikababorana byabuze isoko kubera politiki mbi y’ubutegetsi bwa FPR ishaka kugena uko umuturage abaho bikaviramo uduce tumwe kwibasirwa n’inzara ahandi imyaka iborera mu mirima cyangwa mu kusanyirizo.

Iyi baruwa yagombaga kwandikwa yamagana akarengane k’imfungwa zuzuye muri gereza zimazemo imyaka zizira ubusa.

Iyi baruwa yagombaga kwandikwa yamagana igikorwa cyo gufungira ababyeyi ibyara batahaye uburenganzira abaribafungiye.

Ba Nyiricyubahiro,

Iyi baruwa yagombaga kwandikwa yamagana kuzamurwa mu mapeti abasirikare barimbaguye imbaga, barimo Fred Ibingira wishe abihaye Imana bagenzi banyu i Gakurazo akabicana n’umwana muto Richard Sheja.

Iyi baruwa yagombaga kwandikwa isaba ko Abepiskopi biciwe i Gakurazo bashyingurwa mu cyubahiro.

Ba Nyiricyubahiro, mwanditse mwamagana abakuramo inda zitaravuka, hari abavutse bicwa buri munsi mu Rwanda. Ese ababica bazamaganwa na nde Ba Nyiricyubahiro?

Ese abicwa ntibavukiye kubaho, ubuzima bwabo bukubahwa ntibuvogerwe?

Ba Nyiricyubahiro, ntarirarenga kuko akarengane karacyari kose mu Rwanda.

Nk’uko mwamaganye itegeko ryo gukuramo inda, nimwamagana ubutegetsi bwica abene gihugu buri munsi, nimusabe ubutegetsi buhotora rubanda gusubiza inkota mu rwubati.

Nimwamagane politike ikenesha abaturage.

Ni mwamagane politike ishyira abaturage mu byiciro by’ubudehe batarimo bituma abakene nyakujya badafashwa ngo kuko bari mu cyiciro cy’abifashije mu gihe badafite n’urwara rwo kwishima.

Ni mwamagane politike y’urugomo irandura imyaka y’abaturage.

Ni mwamagane politike irobanura impfubyi, aho imfubyi zimwe zifashwa izindi ntizifashwe.

Nimwamagane politike y’urugomo isenyera abaturage.

Nimwamagane politike ishimuta abaturage, igatuma imiryango myinshi ihorana impagarara za mbonye ndamuka sinzi uko ndibwiriwe cyangwa ndara.

Ni mwamagane politike irasa abaturage ku manywa y’ihangu.

Nimwamagane agatsiko k’abayobozi gasahura umutungo w’igihugu mu gihe rubanda ikomeza kwicwa n’inzara.

Ni mwamagane politike iheza abanyarwanda hanze.

Ni mwamagane abayobozi batsimbarara ku butegetsi bakica, bagafunga bakanatoteza undi munyapolitike cyangwa umunyarwanda wese utabona ibintu kimwe nabo.

Nimwamagane politike ya gashoza ntambara mu bihugu by’abaturanyi biviramo abanyarwanda kutarenga imipaka ngo bahahirane n’ibihugu by’abaturanyi.

Ba Nyiricyubahiro, aho ubuzima bw’igihugu cyacu bugeze, birasaba ijwi ryanyu rya kibyeyi gutakamba, ritabariza abarengana rikamagana abarenganya Intama z’Imana.

Amajwi yanyu ntarangirire mu kwamagana abashyiraho itegeko ryo gukuramo inda. Ni murangurure amajwi yanyu mwamagane abica abavutse.

Ba Nyiricyubahiro, ibaruwa mwanditse ibe ikimenyetso cy’uko nta munyarwanda uzongera kwicwa ngo muceceke mutabyamaganye,

Nta muturage uzarandurirwa imyaka ye, agasenyerwa mugaceceka, abantu bagafungirwa ubusa mugaceceka.

Bibe ikimenyetso cy’uko Ba Nyiricyubahiro bagiye kurwanya akarengane gakorerwa rubanda. Ibe ikimenyetso cy’uko Ba Nyiricyubahiro batazarebera mu gihe abaturage bahimbirwa ibyaha bagafungirwa ubusa.

Ibe ikimenyetso cy’uko intama zigiye kwisanzura mu rwuri kuko zizi ko zihagarariwe n’abashumba bazitayeho, urwuri zirimo ari ntavogerwa.

Ba Nyiricyubahiro, reka ndangize mbashimira ubushishozi muzakirana iyi baruwa.

Mbifurije kuyikuramo agasemburo gatuma murushaho kuba amajwi ndetse n’amaso y’abarengana mu gihugu cyacu bose.

Mugire amahoro y Imana.

Jeanne Mukamurenzi