Category Archives: Uganda

Rogue Rwandan Soldiers Abduct UPDF officer at Cyanika Border

Paul Kagame speaking to a military detachment of his army.

A group of Rwandan defense forces have kidnaped a Ugandan soldier at Cyanika border in Kisororo district in what officials say is an act of provocation.

Private Baruku Muhuhu a Uganda people defense force soldier attached to 32 battalion Nyakabande detach is suspected to have been kidnapped by the Rwanda peoples force last evening 12-June-2021at 550pm.

Security in Kisoro District says during a daily routine patrol along Chanika border in Chanika Town council, Baruku was left behind easing himself but never returned back which forced his fellow soldiers on duty to go back and search him but all in vein.

Baruku fell in an ambush by Rwandan soldiers who had crossed to the Ugandan side.

Security is reported to have deployed along Chanika border as efforts by Kampala to contact its Kigali counterparts to produce Pte. Baruku are still underway.

In recent past, Rwandan soldiers have been illegally crossing the international border into Uganda to abduct Ugandans living along the border sometimes for ransom.

Hundreds of Ugandans have lost their lives at the hands of the ruthless Rwandan soldiers with orders of shoot to kill Ugandans.

Currently, it is illegal for Ugandans to stay or work in Rwanda if you are not willing to talk ill against President Museveni and his government.

Most victims who have managed to come back to Uganda alive say if you cannot be anti-Uganda government in Kigali you risk being framed using trumped up charges like rape, defilement, drug abuse by the Rwandan security forces.

The lucky ones are arrested and declared prohibited migrants and dumped at the borders while others are sent to jails without trial or killed.

Despite the hostile treatment of the Ugandans by the Rwandan establishment, Kampala has remained open to solving the impasse diplomatically.  

Nancy Aheebwa

L’Angola dans les crises congolaises : entre fantasmes et réalité des faits.

L’Angola. Oui, parlons un peu de l’Angola puisqu’il se raconte des choses depuis le passage de Félix Tshisekedi dans ce pays et la signature d’un accord de coopération militaire entre Luanda et Kinshasa. Dans le camp de la talibanie, on exulte en criant déjà victoire à la suite du fameux «meeting aérien» qui s’est déroulé dans le ciel kinois ce vendredi 20 novembre. Mais que peut-on retenir de tout ceci ?

Le fait que Félix Tshisekedi ait sollicité l’Angola pour l’aider dans le bras de fer qui l’oppose à Joseph Kabila signifie que lui Félix n’a pas confiance en l’armée congolaise, ce qui peut se comprendre. Mais contrairement à ce que pensent les intégristes de la secte et certaines personnes, l’Angola n’a jamais été le « faiseur de rois » en RDC. Jamais.

En 1997, l’Angola était intervenu aux côtés de l’AFLD à l’étape de Kisangani sur demande américaine, mais aussi et surtout parce que son adversaire de toujours, l’UNITA, s’était positionnée aux côtés du président Mobutu. Cette implication de l’Angola aux côtés de l’AFDL n’avait pas changé grand-chose sur le terrain militaire.

En 1998, l’intervention de l’Angola, mais aussi du Zimbabwe, aux côtés de Laurent-Désiré Kabila avait permis de défaire les troupes rwando-ougandaises au niveau du triangle Kitona-Banana-Moanda, sans plus. Avec le recul, on peut affirmer que l’implication de Luanda avait pour but de rééquilibrer les rapports de force sans nécessairement donner un avantage militaire conséquent à la RDC dont la partie Est était restée sous occupation des forces d’invasion jusqu’à la signature des accords de paix.

Sous Joseph Kabila, l’Angola a été un bon protecteur, mais pas un « faiseur de Rois » pour la simple et bonne raison que le pouvoir de Joseph venait de loin… si vous voyez ce que je veux dire. Le soutien que semble apporter l’Angola à Félix Tshisekedi aujourd’hui pourrait-il faire la différence en cas de confrontation armée avec Joseph Kabila ?

Dans une certaine mesure seulement puisque l’enjeu est régional et dépend de la position des acteurs composant aussi bien cet écosystème que l’échiquier international. Je vais y revenir dans une prochaine analyse sur Sputnik.

Pour le reste, il faut rappeler à certains rêveurs que l’Angola a besoin d’une RDC faible, que le soutien militaire qu’il avait apporté à Laurent-Désiré Kabila en 1998 n’avait pas empêché que celui-ci se fasse descendre dans son bureau…

À bon entendeur, je bois mon lait nsambarisé…

Patrick MBEKO

Uganda: Mbarara has a new Archbishop, His Grace Lambert Bainomugisha.

Archbishop-elect His Grace Lambert Bainomugisha. (AGENCIES PHOTO)

Archbishop His Grace Lambert Bainomugisha.

Pope Francis has appointed Lambert Bainomugisha the new Archbishop of Pope Francis after His Grace Paul K. Bakyenga sought to retire.

In an April 25 letter by Apostolic Nuncio, Luigi Bianco confirmed Pope Francis’ acceptance the resignation of Archbishop Paul Bakyenga who had reached his canonical age limit.

“The Apostolic Nunciature has the joy to announce that the Holy Father Pope France has appointed Rt. Rev. Lambert Bainomugisha Auxilliary Bishop of Mbarara, as the new Archbishop of Mbarara, while accepting the resignation from the Pastoral Care of the Archdiocese presented by the Most Rev. Paul K Bakyenga, upon reaching the canonical age limit,” read part of the letter.

The Rt. Rev. Lambert Bainomugisha was born 12th July 1961 at Kashumba, Bukanga, Isingiro in what was at that time the Diocese of Mbarara. He studied both in Uganda and in Canada and obtained a degree in Canon Law through the University of St Paul of Ottowa. He was ordained priest on 13 July 1991 at Mbarara Cathedral.

He exercised his pastoral ministry for several years in St Joseph the Worker Parish in Rubindi, Mbarara. He then returned to Canada in 1994 to complete his studies. After returning to the Diocese, he was the Chancellor of the Archdiocese from 2000 to 2005.

On July 2, 2005, he was appointed Auxiliary Bishop for the Archdiocese of Mbarara and Titular Bishop of Tacia Montana. He received episcopal consecration on 1 October the same year.

On 13 November, 2009 Pope Benedict XVI appointed him Apostolic Administrator sedes plena et ad nutum Sanctae Sedis of the Diocese of Hoima, until a new Bishop of Hoima was ordained and appointed on 29 February 2016. Bishop Lambert then returned to the Archdiocese of Mbarara to continue his duties as Auxiliary Bishop.

Archbishop-elect Bainomugisha is also the President of the Legal Service Commission and is a member of other commissions of the Uganda Episcopal Conference.

Redpepper

Rwanda destroys temporary bridges at border

A temporary crossing inside Rwanda. Several similar temporary bridges at the border have been destroyed to stop people crossing to Uganda

Kabale, Uganda

It has now become harder for Rwandan citizens attempting to sneak into Uganda against their government’s advice, to cross the border as several unofficial crossings have been blocked.

Rwandan Security Officers have reportedly destroyed all temporary bridges erected along Katuna, Gatuna and Mukensiyoona in Katuna Town Council to block Rwandan citizens from crossing to Uganda.

The development comes amid increased tension between Uganda and Rwanda.  For the last one week, the Rwandan border at Gatuna in Kabale, and Chanika, in Kisoro has been closed, blocking entry of hundreds of cargo trucks transiting through the busiest crossing point, to Kigali, and several other destinations.

Rwanda government instead advised cargo trucks to turn-back and use Mirama Hill border in Ntungamo district a distance of 100 kilometres away.

Amid the chaos, Rwanda, through its Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Richard Sezibera barred Rwandans from crossing into Uganda and accused Uganda of harbouring dissidents planning to topple the Kagame administration.

Despite the directive, Rwandan nationals neighbouring Ugandan borders continued to silently cross to Uganda especially to Katuna and the neighbouring areas through porous borders. Many of them were coming to Uganda to buy food for their survival, crossing through Gatuna and Mukensiyoona streams.

But Rwandan soldiers and police officers have now destroyed all the temporary bridges that were constructed along the streams.  Our area reporter says that there are police officers deployed at every footpath connecting the two countries, who are often replaced with heavily armed soldiers specifically to block Rwandan nationals from crossing to Uganda.

John Dushinzimana, a national found at Mukensiyoona market after escaping from Byumba in Northern Province, Rwanda to buy food says that all the temporary bridges at the streams separating the two countries have been destroyed and that the security personnel were whipping whoever attempted to cross through the porous borders.

Dushinzimana says that the blockage has left Rwandans stuck without food to eat and that most Rwandans are totally unhappy about the current situation.

Deus Ntahobari, another Rwandan national says that he crossed to Katuna on Tuesday to work for food to feed his family, but on returning back, he found all bridges destroyed. Ntahobari says that he decided to remain in Katuna in fear of being reprimanded for crossing into Uganda.

Jean Claude Afazari, another resident of Byumba in Rwanda says that the situation has forced him to cross back to Rwanda after witnessing from a distance how those who were caught crossing with food from Uganda were whipped. He adds that security officers poured paraffin in some of the food that had been bought by some of the residents.

Solange Mujawimana, a businesswoman dealing in agricultural produce is also stuck on the Ugandan side of the border. She says that although she used to buy foodstuffs from Uganda and sell them in Rwanda, her movement has now been curtailed.

Katuna Town Council Mayor Nelson Nshangabasheija says that tension is still mounting across the region. He adds that business at the border post has completely collapsed.

Speaking before parliament on Thursday, Prime Minister Dr Ruhakana Rugunda explained that Uganda is optimistic that the matter will be soon resolved.

Source : The Independent

Kagame’s worst case of insanity

Kagame Seized Ayabatwa’s Businesses And Says Uganda Must Do Same

General Paul Kagame extending his power beyond Rwanda’s borders.

Here comes the mother of surprises. According to the Observer newspaper, Kagame is demanding that Uganda closes Tribert Rujugiro Ayabatwa’s companies and kicks him out. Kagame apparently believes that Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni and Ayabatwa are co-sponsors of Rwandan rebels seeking to remove him from power.

Somebody should inform Kagame of Albert Einstein’s definition of insanity. Einstein defined insanity as ”doing the same thing over and over again, but expecting different results.” Or, the English idiom ”The Boy Who Cried Wolf,” which describes someone unable to stop giving false alarm.

Kagame’s irrational and chronic hatred has driven him to decimate Rwanda’s business people using all manner of manipulative schemes. Case in point is Assinapol Rwigara. After his mysterious death, destruction of his hotel, and the auctioning of his factory in 2018, few genuine entrepreneurs remain in Kagame’s Rwanda.

Now we see a new phenomenon — Kagame is peeping outside Rwandan borders to finish the last business leader still standing. Uganda and other countries that host Ayabatwa’s businesses will not fall for the Boy Wolf noise. Ayabatwa has been doing business since 1970s when Kagame who struggling in secondary school. Ayabatwa built successful businesses in the East African Community (EAC), Southern African Development Community (SADC), The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), and the United Arab Emirates. This is a track record that any national leader would be proud of. But not General Kagame.

In fact, the only country in which Ayabatwa does not manufacture or trade his products is his homeland, the Republic of Rwanda. That is because Kagame grabbed Ayabatwa’s businesses and residences, including the flagship, the US$20 million Union Trade Center (UTC) shopping mall. Not only that — Kagame then revoked Ayabatwa’s citizenship, despite Article 25 of the Rwandan Constitution which reads in part: ”No one can be deprived of Rwandan nationality of origin.”

When Kagame was conducting this witch hunt, he claimed that Ayabatwa’s businesses were ”abandoned.” And now, Kagame is demanding that Uganda kicks Ayabatwa out, too, for a different reason — co-sponsorship of rebels with President Museveni. This is the worst case of insanity.

” President Kagame sent me the assassins… I was paid US$ 100,000 to kill Museveni”

CMI-1-750x430 ARINAITWE

Issa Arinaitwe Furaha, a CMI operative has written to president Museveni over a plot to assassinate him.

In a letter dated January 4th 2018 and received by the office of the president on 15th January 2017, Arinaitwe says he was given an assignment to plot an Assassination mission against president Museveni and given a cash payment of USD100, 000, and police chief Kale Kayihura knew about the plot. Arinaitwe says he has decided to run for his life but his family is in danger. The Grapevine is still contacting Kayihura on these allegations.

Accept my greetings to Your Excellence and my gratitude towards your selfless efforts to lead Ugandans and to protect their lives and property. However, I beg you

to pardon me for having communicated to you through a letter whose leakage to the public domain I may not have the ability to halt.

My name is lssa Furaha Arinaitwe. I am 38 but making 39yrs on February 22nd this year. Until after signing off this letter, I have been a serving officer attached to Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) since 1999. I am a son to Mr. Muhammed Kabayiza and Mrs. Safiina Mukagiahamanyi Kabayiza (separated), of Kyankwanzi, formerly Kiboga District.

Below is an EDITED verbatim of his letter:

CMI-3

During the course of my operations around 2007. I got in touch with someone who introduced himself as a Rwandan Intelligence officer via a phone call. He told me they had investigated me thoroughly and vetted me as a person the Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame wanted as his personal contact in Uganda. He told me this was because of my blood connections to Rwanda and my intelligence expertise.

He further asked me to accept to talk to His Excellency Paul Kagame. I accepted and immediately. I was put on line and the President Kagame spoke to me and told me he wanted me to execute some of his missions in Uganda. He promised me facilitation through Mr. John Ngarambe of the Rwandese Embassy in Uganda and indeed, after a few days I was contacted by Mr. Ngarambe and gave me some good money in dollars.

I was further given more money to buy a vehicle that would help me execute my operations and to secure a solitary safe house which we would use for operations and as stores for requirements. I secured the house in Buziga. As you may be aware Your Excellence, though I accepted, I chose to respect my Country’s Moto of for God and My Country’ when I successfully sought your audience and gave you some of this information.

This was after I had been given an assignment to plot an Assassination mission against Your Excellence and given a cash payment of USD1 00, 000. It is after this that I chose to clandestinely part with them though I remained their contact and continued my direct communications with President Kagame through his ADC whom he introduced to me as Tom. He would be the one to put me on standby and we talked directly with the President.

President Kagame sent me the assassins but whenever he asked me whether I had received them, they had not arrived until when he stopped demanding for the accountability of failure to execute the assassination. I was later informed that the first Contact whom I replaced and the same they had fallen out with, had helped to foil the mission.

As you may be aware, Your Excellence sensed my life was in danger and you gave me security guards of which I am so grateful to you Sir.nMuch as I had ‘fallen’ out with them, they never realised and they kept giving me more missions and huge facilitations in cash and kind. I regret that I have since failed to get your audience again to pass to you the biggest part of my report about their dangerous and fatal operations in our Country. Until you strongly intervene Your Excellency, our country’s safety is at mercies of Rwanda and their Ugandan moles in security.

Things fall apart

Along the way, President Kagame called me and asked me to wait for the next move instructions from his personal assistant in Uganda. Indeed, I received a call from someone I have never met to date. The instructions from this invisible contact gave me a list of 15 Rwandese refugees and asked me to work with lsmael Baguma of Rwanda Embassy to trail and kidnap for repatriation.

Indeed, lsmael Baguma contacted me and briefed me before giving me facilitation to execute the mission. However, after a few days, he called me with a change of mind.

He told me that they had discussed with President Kagame and resolved that I only help with the surveillance and identification of the targeted victims and leave the execution to Baguma and police operatives. They said since I was the direct contact of President Kagame, it would be dangerous if any mistake was done and I get exposed.

Many Rwandese were kidnapped, killed here and others were expatriated and killed in Rwanda. This story is now in public domain. Unfortunately, I want to inform you that the missions are still going on even with some of the operatives arrested and imprisoned.

Threats on my life

Upon the arrest and imprisonment of some police operatives, I continued carrying out more instructions from Gen. Kagame and his invisible contact. However, it was not for long. The invisible contact called me complaining that they had intelligence that I was always sharing information about their missions with Uganda’s intelligence agencies and with Your Excellence.

I denied the allegations in entirety and he initially concurred with me, saying that they trusted me so much.

After a few days, close to a month now, he called me and he sounded very angry. He said all the time they trusted me with their secrets not knowing I was a traitor. He said they were so disappointed with me and that they won’t let me live to regret my traitorous and selfish activities. He warned me never to call him or any of their contacts again but he immediately added that after all, they were all going to block me and it won’t take long before I am dead.

After this, I got so worried and got a heart attack. I tried to call the people you entrusted me with but they were reluctant to help out. I kept looking for means of getting your audience but all in vain. About two weeks ago, I met some of your close people and asked him to help me reach you. I explained to him and he advised that even if I met you, it won’t stop them from killing me. He advised me to run for my life.

For about three weeks now, I have been trailed by strange people and on three occasions, I have survived by randomly parking my car at a public place and run through the backyard. They always trail me using motorcycles and vehicles.

On two occasions, numberless vehicles parked for long hours at my place. At one time, one came and hooted for two hours but thanks to the security you provided me with, they have so far failed to access the interior of my home. About a week ago, a group of operatives claiming to be from Flying Squad came at night and wanted to force their way inside but body guards prevailed over them. The guards told them that I was not around but they insisted that GPS placed me inside the house. They parked at the gate up to morning.

Confused and crying, I called my bosses and informed them but they never responded. This sent me signals that I was no longer safe even with my immediate bosses. I found my way through the backyard and escaped from my home never to go back. From this time, I bought the idea of the running for my life. Mr. President, at this time, I humbly request you to understand my circumstances. I have made up my mind and by the time you receive this letter, I will have left the country. Never to come back.

My family security

As you’re very aware Your Excellency, the time I met you and gave you the first part of this report, you advised that my mother who was staying in Rwanda at the time

should be returned to Uganda for her protection. Indeed, we returned her and though Rwanda insisted that we take her back, we stealthily refused until they lost it.

Mr. President, much as I have decided to run for my life, my family is too in danger. You have been a parent to many, me inclusive. I humbly request you to continue with my family’s protection as you had already sensed that my mother wasn’t safe in their hand. I trust and believe you will continue with this gesture until that time when I will be able to secure them myself. I thank you in anticipation.

Military equipment in my possession Your Excellence and Commander in Chief of the Republic of Uganda, I beg to be pardoned but with my situation and the style in which I am leaving the country, I am not in position conducive enough for an official handover. I have therefore resolved to leave them in my house which is firmly protected by your security and immediately I cross, I will call my boss Brig. Abel Kandiho and direct him the exact place to pick them.

These include; A pistol-BULL number Ug10033 black in colour with 15 rounds of ammunition, a Micro-garill number 98109767 black in colour with three full magazines each with 35 rounds of ammunition, two pairs of full uniform and a bullet proof.

Conclusion

Mr. President, in conclusion, I wish to honestly inform you that you’re faced with an uphill task of securing Uganda and her citizens from Rwanda and in particular

President Kagame’s grip. In this letter, there is a lot that I have left out for security purposes but the mafia has infiltrated Uganda beyond repair.

This report is backed by more voice call audios that I have left behind with someone whom I have entrusted with the task of looking for you and deliver them by hand.

Through them, you will be able to uproot the mafia who even roots deep into security organs, public servants and the UPDF at large. I pray that you find them useful for purposes of another round of liberation of our country.

For God and My Country

Source: Thegrapevine

US ALLY UGANDA ATTACKS CONGO’S BENI TERRITORY

MUSAVULI

An interview with Boniface Musavuli 

The Congo crisis is now one of the greatest humanitarian emergencies in the world and the most underreported. An average of 5,500 people a day flee violence and insecurity, even more than in Iraq, Syria, and Yemen. Unlike Iraq, Syria, and Yemen, however, the Congo wars are undeclared and there’s no front line. There are instead many wars over many concentrations of resource wealth in this immensely resource-rich country, especially in the eastern provinces. For more than 20 years the most rapacious and destabilizing aggressors have been US allies and military partners Uganda and Rwanda. The US is the top bilateral donor to both. Uganda has been led by dictator Yoweri Museveni since 1986, Rwanda by dictator Paul Kagame since 1994.
I spoke to Boniface Musavuli, author of the book “Les Massacres de Beni” about the Ugandan army’s attack on his native corner of Congo, Beni Territory, just in time for Christmas.
Ann Garrison: Boniface, last week Uganda promised to keep its troops on the Ugandan side of the Congolese border. Then its attack aircraft crossed into Congolese territory and began bombing while its troops fired long range weapons from across the border. Should we call this an invasion in violation of international law even though Uganda claims it hasn’t sent any ground troops in yet and the Congolese army is reported to be collaborating with them in this?
Boniface Musavuli: Firstly, this intervention is a violation of the UN charter and the sovereignty of the Congo. Uganda has already been condemned by the International Court of Justice for assaulting and occupying the Congo between 1998 and 2003. We are therefore dealing with an act of recidivism.
The UN Charter prohibits states from using military force on the territory of another sovereign state unless they have a UN mandate or authorization from the government of the country concerned. Until now, however, there has been no Security Council resolution authorizing Uganda to conduct military operations on Congolese territory. Also, in the Congo, there is no official decision from either the government or parliament authorizing the Ugandan army to conduct operations on Congolese territory. Finally, President Joseph Kabila cannot make such a decision because his term in office expired in December 2016. The DRC Constitution does not allow a president whose term of office has expired to invite a foreign army into Congolese territory. So Uganda is violating international law.
AG: Uganda says they’re hunting down the Islamist ADF militia to make sure it doesn’t attack Uganda. They say they fear it will because it attacked the UN’s Tanzanian peacekeepers last week, killing 15 and wounding more than 50. What’s really going on?
BM: This argument is problematic and violates the principles of international law which makes “preventive warfare” illegal. A state cannot conduct operations on the territory of another state because it suspects that a threat will come from that state. Uganda claims to be launching a preventive war against the ADF in Congo, but we know that the attack on Tanzanian peacekeepers was not carried out by the ADF. The ADF has not even existed as a military force since April 2014. The massacres and violence that have been taking place in Beni since 2014 are carried out by certain units of the Congolese army with Rwandan officers and criminals recruited in Rwanda to cause chaos in Beni.
Like Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni, Congo’s President Kabila wants the world to believe that there is Islamist terrorism in Beni and a security crisis that requires him to remain in power indefinitely. Finally, the base where the Tanzanian peacekeepers were attacked is more than 50 km from the Ugandan border, where the Ugandan army says it is conducting operations against the “ADF positions.”
AG: So the people of Beni have Rwandan officers in their own army, and now they’ve got Ugandan attack aircraft overhead dropping bombs and Ugandan troops shelling them from across their border if they haven’t already moved troops into Congo. Is this the latest phase of the de facto occupation that began when Rwanda and Uganda invaded Congo in the 1990s?
BM: Thousands of Rwandan soldiers were poured into the ranks of the Congolese army following the Goma accords of March 2009. Since 2013, thousands of Rwandans have been sent to Beni where they occupy the territories formerly occupied by the ADF and the southern part of the neighboring province of Ituri. Uganda is currently in conflict with Rwanda and certainly does not welcome the massive influx of Rwandan soldiers and people into this part of Congo bordering Uganda.
AG: Given the current tensions between Rwanda and Uganda, is it possible that the Ugandan attack is in fact an attack on the Rwandan troops wearing Congolese uniforms?
BM: The Rwandans within the Congolese army are always surrounded by real Congolese soldiers. So if the Ugandan army targets the Rwandans, it will not attack the Congolese army directly. I believe that, at first, Uganda wants to reestablish its presence on Congolese soil and try to understand how Rwanda intends to consolidate its grip on this Congolese region. The two countries will monitor each other at first. Of course, officially, it’s all about “fighting the ADF.”
AG: Earlier this week, I wrote to MONUSCO’s Public Information Director to ask what the Tanzanian peacekeepers had been doing in Beni Territory, and she wrote back to say that when the UN Security Council last renewed the Tanzanian troops mandate, they “stressed the importance of neutralizing the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) among other armed groups.” She also said that they had gone there initially to protect MONUSCO engineers and equipment sent to rebuild the bridge across the Semuliki River after it had been blown up by the “suspected Allied Democratic Forces (ADF).” Once the bridge had been rebuilt in 2015, she said, their temporary base became a permanent operating base and they’ve been there since.
After the December 7 attack, the Congo Research Group said that it had been a battle over control of the Mbau-Kamango road that goes through the Virunga park, crosses the Semuliki River (on the bridge), and leads to the Ugandan border at Nobili.
Now the UN News, the UN’s Radio Okapi, and MONUSCO Chief Maman Sidikoua all blame the ADF for this attack on the Tanzanian peacekeepers. Your response?
BM: The UN Security Council and MONUSCO have been talking about “alleged ADF fighters” for almost three years now, but they know that the real ADF fighters no longer exist. ADF leader Jamil Mukulu was arrested in Tanzania in April 2015 and has been in prison in Uganda since May 2015. All the area once controlled by the ADF has already been recovered by the army and MONUSCO. The attack on the Tanzanian peacekeepers was carried out by a force of several hundred combatants wearing Congolese uniforms in an area under Congolese army control. The ADF, even when they were active, could not carry out such a large-scale operation. Moreover, the number of ADF who survived the 2014 operations is no more than a hundred people scattered throughout the bush without coordination or supplies. How can anyone believe that they could mobilize several hundred combatants, attack a base of 100 highly trained and well armed soldiers from four sides, and sustain the battle for more than three hours?
AG: Several days before the attack, Radio Okapi reported that “Beni civil society” objected to Uganda’s plan to cross the border to go after the ADF because they thought the Ugandans were really coming to occupy Beni Territory and would not leave. They appear to have been the only organization or amalgam of organizations stating the obvious.
BM: Yes they were, and they are the ones being massacred.
AG: Could you say something about the Tanzanian peacekeepers, fifteen of whom died during the December 7 attack?
BM: The Tanzanian peacekeepers were an anomaly. Unlike other UN peacekeepers, they had earned the confidence of Beni’s population. They were the contingent most motivated to actually protect the civilian population, and the population was therefore far more likely to confide in them than in the Congolese soldiers. It must always be kept in mind that most Congolese army units in this part of the Congo are led by Rwandan officers who are hated by the population for their crimes and atrocities.
AG: What about the Tanzanians’ offensive mandate to go after the aggressors? The Tanzanian and South African peacekeepers were the first peacekeepers that the UN ever gave an offensive mandate. That happened back in 2013 when they joined the battle to drive M23 out of North Kivu Province, and the UN Security Council has renewed their mandate every year since. Have the Tanzanians used their offensive mandate in Beni, and if so, how? It’s hard to imagine they don’t know that the real aggressors are the Rwandan officers and soldiers in the so-called Congolese army, the FARDC.
BM: Tanzanian peacekeepers are in an uncomfortable situation. When they arrived in Congo in 2013, their country had all but declared war with Rwanda. The conflict began when former Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete called on the Rwandan government to negotiate with the FDLR, the armed group of Hutu refugee in eastern Congo. Kagame digested this proposal very badly and threatened to hit the Tanzanian president. The climate between the two countries became very tense, and Tanzania expelled several thousand Rwandans from its territory. Then when the Tanzanian soldiers arrived in Congo to fight the M23, they found that most of them were not Congolese rebels but Rwandan soldiers under Rwandan command.
AG: Kagame threatened to “hit” Kikwete? You mean assassinate?
BM: Kagame’s exact words were: “I’m going to wait for you in the right place and I’ll hit you!” He said that at a rally in Rwanda in 2013 as though he were speaking to the Tanzanian president.
Then the Tanzanian president, also in a rally, retorted that “he [Kagame] will be hit like a kid.”
After M23’s flight back into Rwanda and Uganda, the Tanzanians found that units of the Congolese army included several thousand Rwandan soldiers, consequent to the agreement agreement signed in Goma on March 23, 2009. Despite their offensive mandate, the Tanzanians were exposed to great risk because they could never trust the Congolese army that they were supposed to be working with. A hidden war between Tanzania and Rwanda has been taking place in Congo.
An incident occurred in May 2015, after the Tanzanian peacekeepers were secretly informed that a massacre was going to be committed in the town of Mavivi. They went there, hid, and waited. When they saw men armed with machetes and guns encircling the houses and taking the families out, they opened fire and killed about twenty of them. When they examined the bodies of the attackers, they saw that they were wearing Congolese uniforms and that they were really Rwandan soldiers who had been “integrated” into the ranks of the Congolese army by the 2009 Goma agreement.
This incident was quickly hidden by the Congolese authorities and even MONUSCO because it would have been a serious scandal. The Congolese government has never acknowledged the presence of Rwandan soldiers in the ranks of its army, and it has always denied that the killers of Beni are members of the army. If it had been made public that the Tanzanians had ambushed these soldiers in Congolese uniforms as they were pulling people out of their homes for a massacre, it would have been impossible to continue to deny it. Other soldiers in Beni might have reacted and regional tensions would have increased.
AG: I remember when Rwandans became part of the Congolese army in Kivu in 2009. It made no sense whatsoever, but American officialdom applauded as though it was a great step towards peace in the region.
BM: That followed a secret agreement between Kabila and Kagame. The Rwandan army returned to Congo officially to fight the FDLR alongside the Congolese army in January 2009. In March 2009, the Rwandan army announced that they had completed their mission and left Congolese soil, but in reality, the majority of the Rwandan soldiers did not return to Rwanda. They stayed in Congo, hidden inside the Congolese army. They were preparing the ground for the new war, that of M23, that broke out in April 2012. This war was part of a secret project to place the eastern Congo under the power of Rwanda. The goal is to balkanize Congo. This is what explains the large number of Rwandan soldiers in the ranks of the Congolese army, and the large numbers of Rwandan peasants who have appeared in Beni and settled on the land that the native people were driven off of. They are there to advance this project, despite the opposition of the Congolese people.
AG: OK, one last question for now. The Tanzanian peacekeepers sound heroic. This is the first time I’ve heard of any UN peacekeepers in Congo who were actually committed to protecting civilians. Their death is a tragedy that should outrage anyone who understands what really happened and how it’s being covered up. Whoever sent them into this very dangerous and deceptive conflict zone with a mandate to go after the ADF should be held accountable, and Tanzanian President John Magufuli has demanded a full investigation. Do you think he will be satisfied if investigators tell him that his soldiers were killed by ghosts of the ADF?
BM: I believe that President Magufuli already knows who killed his soldiers. Tanzanians in Beni are very knowledgeable because they have the confidence of the people, but Magufuli, as president, is obliged to wait for the conclusion of an investigation. Unfortunately, in the Congo, it is very difficult to get an investigation into serious crimes. For example, investigations into the killing of the two UN experts earlier this year are constantly hampered by the authorities. What is unfortunate is that now, the Tanzanians may become passive like other peacekeepers and let the attacks on the population go on without trying to protect them. The message behind this attack was that no real peacekeeping will be tolerated.
Ann Garrison is an independent journalist based in the San Francisco Bay Area. In 2014, she received the Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza Democracy and Peace Prize for her reporting on conflict in the African Great Lakes region. She can be reached at @AnnGarrison orann@kpfa.org 
Boniface Musavuli is a native of Beni Territory now living in political exile in France and author of the books “The Massacres of Beni” and “The Genocides of the Congolese, from Leopold II to Paul Kagame.” He can be reached at bmusavuli@gmail.com
Source: Blackstarnews

America’s secret role in the rwandan genocide

never againBetween April and July 1994, hundreds of thousands of Rwandans were murdered in the most rapid genocide ever recorded. The killers used simple tools – machetes, clubs and other blunt objects, or herded people into buildings and set them aflame with kerosene. Most of the victims were of minority Tutsi ethnicity; most of the killers belonged to the majority Hutus.

The Rwanda genocide has been compared to the Nazi Holocaust in its surreal brutality. But there is a fundamental difference between these two atrocities. No Jewish army posed a threat to Germany. Hitler targeted the Jews and other weak groups solely because of his own demented beliefs and the prevailing prejudices of the time. The Rwandan Hutu génocidaires, as the people who killed during the genocide were known, were also motivated by irrational beliefs and prejudices, but the powder keg contained another important ingredient: terror. Three and a half years before the genocide, a rebel army of mainly Rwandan Tutsi exiles known as the Rwandan Patriotic Front, or RPF, had invaded Rwanda and set up camps in the northern mountains. They had been armed and trained by neighbouring Uganda, which continued to supply them throughout the ensuing civil war, in violation of the UN charter, Organisation of African Unity rules, various Rwandan ceasefire and peace agreements, and the repeated promises of the Ugandan president, Yoweri Museveni.

During this period, officials at the US embassy in Kampala knew that weapons were crossing the border, and the CIA knew that the rebels’ growing military strength was escalating ethnic tensions within Rwanda to such a degree that hundreds of thousands of Rwandans might die in widespread ethnic violence. However, Washington not only ignored Uganda’s assistance to the Rwandan rebels, it also ramped up military and development aid to Museveni and then hailed him as a peacemaker once the genocide was underway.

The hatred the Hutu génocidaires unleashed represents the worst that human beings are capable of, but in considering what led to this disaster, it is important to bear in mind that the violence was not spontaneous. It emerged from a century or more of injustice and brutality on both sides, and although the génocidaires struck back against innocents, they were provoked by heavily armed rebels supplied by Uganda, while the US looked on.

The RPF rebel army represented Tutsi refugees who had fled their country in the early 1960s. For centuries before that, they had formed an elite minority caste in Rwanda. In a system continued under Belgian colonialism, they treated the Hutu peasants like serfs, forcing them to work on their land and sometimes beating them like donkeys. Hutu anger simmered until shortly before independence in 1962, then exploded in brutal pogroms against the Tutsi, hundreds of thousands of whom fled to neighbouring countries.

In Uganda, a new generation of Tutsi refugees grew up, but they soon became embroiled in the lethal politics of their adoptive country. Some formed alliances with Ugandan Tutsis and the closely related Hima – Museveni’s tribe – many of whom were opposition supporters and therefore seen as enemies by then-president Milton Obote, who ruled Uganda in the 1960s and again in the early 1980s.

After Idi Amin overthrew Obote in 1971, many Rwandan Tutsis moved out of the border refugee camps. Some tended the cattle of wealthy Ugandans; others acquired property and began farming; some married into Ugandan families; and a small number joined the State Research Bureau, Amin’s dreaded security apparatus, which inflicted terror on Ugandans. When Obote returned to power in the 1980s, he stripped the Rwandan Tutsis of their civil rights and ordered them into the refugee camps or back over the border into Rwanda, where they were not welcomed by the Hutu-dominated government. Those who refused to go were assaulted, raped and killed and their houses were destroyed.

In response to Obote’s abuses, more and more Rwandan refugees joined the National Resistance Army, an anti-Obote rebel group founded by Museveni in 1981. When Museveni’s rebels took power in 1986, a quarter of them were Rwandan Tutsi refugees, and Museveni granted them high ranks in Uganda’s new army.

Museveni’s promotion of the Rwandan refugees within the army generated not only resentment within Uganda, but terror within Rwanda where the majority Hutus had long feared an onslaught from Tutsi refugees. In 1972, some 75,000 educated Hutus – just about anyone who could read – had been massacred in Tutsi-ruled Burundi, a small country neighbouring Rwanda with a similar ethnic makeup. During the 1960s, Uganda’s Tutsi refugees had launched occasional armed strikes across the border, but Rwanda’s army easily fought them off. Each attack sparked reprisals against those Tutsis who remained inside Rwanda – many of whom were rounded up, tortured and killed – on mere suspicion of being supporters of the refugee fighters. By the late 1980s, a new generation of refugees, with training and weapons supplied by Museveni’s Uganda, represented a potentially far greater threat. According to the historian André Guichaoua, anger and fear hung over every bar-room altercation, every office dispute and every church sermon.

By the time Museveni took power, the plight of the Tutsi refugees had come to the attention of the west, which began pressuring Rwanda’s government to allow them to return. At first, Rwanda’s president, Juvénal Habyarimana, refused, protesting that Rwanda was among the most densely populated countries in the world, and its people, dependent upon peasant agriculture, needed land to survive. The population had grown since the refugees left, and Rwanda was now full, Habyarimana claimed.

Although he did not say so publicly, overpopulation almost certainly was not Habyarimana’s major concern. He knew the refugees’ leaders were not just interested in a few plots of land and some hoes. The RPF’s professed aim was refugee rights, but its true aim was an open secret throughout the Great Lakes region of Africa: to overthrow Habyarimana’s government and take over Rwanda by force. Museveni had even informed the Rwandan president that the Tutsi exiles might invade, and Habyarimana had also told US state department officials that he feared an invasion from Uganda.

One afternoon in early 1988 when the news was slow, Kiwanuka Lawrence Nsereko, a journalist with the Citizen, an independent Ugandan newspaper, stopped by to see an old friend at the ministry of transport in downtown Kampala. Two senior army officers, whom Lawrence knew, happened to be in the waiting room when he arrived. Like many of Museveni’s officers, they were Rwandan Tutsi refugees. After some polite preliminaries, Lawrence asked the men what they were doing there.

“We want some of our people to be in Rwanda,” one of them replied. Lawrence shuddered. He had grown up among Hutus who had fled Tutsi oppression in Rwanda before independence in 1962, as well as Tutsis who had fled the Hutu-led pogroms that followed it. Lawrence’s childhood catechist had been a Tutsi; the Hutus who worked in his family’s gardens wouldn’t attend his lessons. Instead, they swapped fantastic tales about how Tutsis once used their Hutu slaves as spittoons, expectorating into their mouths, instead of on the ground.

The officers went in to speak to the transport official first, and when Lawrence’s turn came, he asked his friend what had transpired. The official was elated. The Rwandans had come to express their support for a new open borders programme, he said. Soon Rwandans living in Uganda would be allowed to cross over and visit their relatives without a visa. This would help solve the vexing refugee issue, he explained.

Lawrence was less sanguine. He suspected the Rwandans might use the open borders programme to conduct surveillance for an invasion, or even carry out attacks inside Rwanda. A few days later, he dropped in on a Rwandan Tutsi colonel in Uganda’s army, named Stephen Ndugute.

“We are going back to Rwanda,” the colonel said. (When the RPF eventually took over Rwanda in 1994, Ndugute would be second in command.)

Many Ugandans were eager to see Museveni’s Rwandan officers depart. They were not only occupying senior army positions many Ugandans felt should be held by Ugandans, but some were also notorious for their brutality. Paul Kagame, who went on to lead the RPF takeover of Rwanda and has ruled Rwanda since the genocide, was acting chief of military intelligence, in whose headquarters Lawrence himself had been tortured. In northern and eastern Uganda, where a harsh counterinsurgency campaign was underway, some of the army’s worst abuses had been committed by Rwandan Tutsi officers. In 1989, for example, soldiers under the command of Chris Bunyenyezi, also an RPF leader, herded scores of suspected rebels in the village of Mukura into an empty railway wagon with no ventilation, locked the doors and allowed them to die of suffocation.

Lawrence had little doubt that if war broke out in Rwanda, it was going to be “very, very bloody”, he told me. He decided to alert Rwanda’s president. Habyarimana agreed to meet him during a state visit to Tanzania. At a hotel in Dar es Salaam, the 20-year-old journalist warned the Rwandan leader about the dangers of the open border programme. “Don’t worry,” Lawrence says Habyarimana told him. “Museveni is my friend and would never allow the RPF to invade.”

Habyarimana was bluffing. The open border programme was actually part of his own ruthless counter-strategy. Every person inside Rwanda visited by a Tutsi refugee would be followed by state agents and automatically branded an RPF sympathiser; many were arrested, tortured, and killed by Rwandan government operatives. The Tutsis inside Rwanda thus became pawns in a power struggle between the RPF exiles and Habyarimana’s government. Five years later, they would be crushed altogether in one of the worst genocides ever recorded.

On the morning of 1 October 1990, thousands of RPF fighters gathered in a football stadium in western Uganda about 20 miles from the Rwandan border. Some were Rwandan Tutsi deserters from Uganda’s army; others were volunteers from the refugee camps. Two nearby hospitals were readied for casualties. When locals asked what was going on, Fred Rwigyema, who was both a Ugandan army commander and the leader of the RPF, said they were preparing for Uganda’s upcoming Independence Day celebrations, but some excited rebels let the true purpose of their mission leak out. They crossed into Rwanda that afternoon. The Rwandan army, with help from French and Zairean commandos, stopped their advance and the rebels retreated back into Uganda. A short time later, they invaded again and eventually established bases in northern Rwanda’s Virunga mountains.

Presidents Museveni and Habyarimana were attending a Unicef conference in New York at the time. They were staying in the same hotel and Museveni rang Habyarimana’s room at 5am to say he had just learned that 14 of his Rwandan Tutsi officers had deserted and crossed into Rwanda. “I would like to make it very clear,” the Ugandan president reportedly said, “that we did not know about the desertion of these boys” – meaning the Rwandans, not 14, but thousands of whom had just invaded Habyarimana’s country – “nor do we support it.”

In Washington a few days later, Museveni told the State Department’s Africa chief, Herman Cohen, that he would court martial the Rwandan deserters if they attempted to cross back into Uganda. But a few days after that, he quietly requested France and Belgium not to assist the Rwandan government in repelling the invasion. Cohen writes that he now believes that Museveni must have been feigning shock, when he knew what was going on all along.

When Museveni returned to Uganda, Robert Gribbin, then deputy chief of mission at the US embassy in Kampala, had some “stiff talking points” for him. Stop the invasion at once, the American said, and ensure no support flowed to the RPF from Uganda.

Museveni had already issued a statement promising to seal all Uganda–Rwanda border crossings, provide no assistance to the RPF and arrest any rebels who tried to return to Uganda. But he proceeded to do none of those things and the Americans appear to have made no objection.

When the RPF launched its invasion, Kagame, then a senior officer in both the Ugandan army and the RPF, was in Kansas at the United States Army Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, studying field tactics and psyops, propaganda techniques to win hearts and minds. But after four RPF commanders were killed, he told his American instructors that he was dropping out to join the Rwandan invasion. The Americans apparently supported this decision and Kagame flew into Entebbe airport, travelled to the Rwandan border by road, and crossed over to take command of the rebels.

For the next three and a half years, the Ugandan army continued to supply Kagame’s fighters with provisions and weapons, and allow his soldiers free passage back and forth across the border. In 1991, Habyarimana accused Museveni of allowing the RPF to attack Rwanda from protected bases on Ugandan territory. When a Ugandan journalist published an article in the government-owned New Vision newspaper revealing the existence of these bases, Museveni threatened to charge the journalist and his editor with sedition. The entire border area was cordoned off. Even a French and Italian military inspection team was denied access.

In October 1993, the UN security council authorised a peacekeeping force to ensure no weapons crossed the border. The peacekeepers’ commander, Canadian Lt-Gen Roméo Dallaire, spent most of his time inside Rwanda, but he also visited the Ugandan border town of Kabale, where an officer told him that his inspectors would have to provide the Ugandan army with 12 hours’ notice so that escorts could be arranged to accompany them on their border patrols. Dallaire protested: the element of surprise is crucial for such monitoring missions. But the Ugandans insisted and eventually, Dallaire, who was much more concerned about developments inside Rwanda, gave up.

The border was a sieve anyway, as Dallaire later wrote. There were five official crossing sites and countless unmapped mountain trails. It was impossible to monitor. Dallaire had also heard that an arsenal in Mbarara, a Ugandan town about 80 miles from the Rwanda border, was being used to supply the RPF. The Ugandans refused to allow Dallaire’s peacekeepers to inspect that. In 2004, Dallaire told a US congressional hearing that Museveni had laughed in his face when they met at a gathering to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the genocide. “I remember that UN mission on the border,” Museveni reportedly told him. “We manoeuvred ways to get around it, and of course we did support the [RPF].”

US officials knew that Museveni was not honouring his promise to court martial RPF leaders. The US was monitoring Ugandan weapons shipments to the RPF in 1992, but instead of punishing Museveni, western donors including the US doubled aid to his government and allowed his defence spending to balloon to 48% of Uganda’s budget, compared with 13% for education and 5% for health, even as Aids was ravaging the country. In 1991, Uganda purchased 10 times more US weapons than in the preceding 40 years combined.

The 1990 Rwanda invasion, and the US’s tacit support for it, is all the more disturbing because in the months before it occurred, Habyarimana had acceded to many of the international community’s demands, including for the return of refugees and a multiparty democratic system. So it wasn’t clear what the RPF was fighting for. Certainly, negotiations over refugee repatriation would have dragged on and might not have been resolved to the RPF’s satisfaction, or at all. But negotiations appear to have been abandoned abruptly in favour of war.

At least one American was concerned about this. The US ambassador to Rwanda, Robert Flaten, saw with his own eyes that the RPF invasion had caused terror in Rwanda. After the invasion, hundreds of thousands of mostly Hutu villagers fled RPF-held areas, saying they had seen abductions and killings. Flaten urged the George HW Bush’s administration to impose sanctions on Uganda, as it had on Iraq after the Kuwait invasion earlier that year. But unlike Saddam Hussein, who was routed from Kuwait, Museveni received only Gribbin’s “stiff questions” about the RPF’s invasion of Rwanda.

“In short,” Gribbin writes, “we said that the cat was out of the bag, and neither the United States nor Uganda was going to rebag it.” Sanctioning Museveni might have harmed US interests in Uganda, he explains. “We sought a stable nation after years of violence and uncertainty. We encouraged nascent democratic initiatives. We supported a full range of economic reforms.” But the US was not fostering nascent democratic initiatives inside Uganda. While pressuring other countries, including Rwanda, to open up political space, Uganda’s donors were allowing Museveni to ban political party activity, arrest journalists and editors, and conduct brutal counterinsurgency operations in which civilians were tortured and killed. And far from seeking stability, the US, by allowing Uganda to arm the RPF, was setting the stage for what would turn out to be the worst outbreak of violence ever recorded on the African continent. Years later, Cohen expressed regret for failing to pressure Uganda to stop supporting the RPF, but by then it was far too late.

For Habyarimana and his circle of Hutu elites, the RPF invasion seemed to have a silver lining, at least at first. At the time, Hutu/Tutsi relations inside Rwanda had improved. Habyarimana had sought reconciliation with the Tutsis still living in Rwanda by reserving civil service jobs and university places for them in proportion to their share of the population. This programme was modestly successful, and the greatest tensions in the country now lay along class, not ethnic, lines. A tiny educated Hutu clique linked to Habyarimana’s family who called themselves évolués –the evolved ones – was living off the labour of millions of impoverished rural Hutus, whom they exploited just as brutally as the Tutsi overlords of bygone days.

The évolués subjected the peasants to forced labour and fattened themselves on World Bank “anti-poverty” projects that provided jobs and other perks for their own group, but did little to alleviate poverty. International aid donors had pressured Habyarimana to allow opposition political parties to operate, and many new ones had sprung up. Hutus and Tutsis were increasingly united in criticising Habyarimana’s autocratic behaviour and nepotism, and the vast economic inequalities in the country.

When Rwanda’s ethnic bonfires roared back to life in the days after the RPF invasion, Habyarimana and his circle seem to have sensed a political opportunity: now they could distract the disaffected Hutu masses from their own abuses by reawakening fears of the “demon Tutsis”, who would soon become convenient scapegoats to divert attention from profound socioeconomic injustices.

Shortly after the invasion, all Tutsis – whether RPF supporters or not – became targets of a vicious propaganda campaign that would bear hideous fruit in April 1994. Chauvinist Hutu newspapers, magazines and radio programmes began reminding Hutu audiences that they were the original occupants of the Great Lakes region and that Tutsis were Nilotics – supposedly warlike pastoralists from Ethiopia who had conquered and enslaved them in the 17th century. The RPF invasion was nothing more than a plot by Museveni, Kagame and their Tutsi co-conspirators to re-establish this evil Nilotic empire. Cartoons of Tutsis killing Hutus began appearing in magazines, along with warnings that all Tutsis were RPF spies bent on dragging the country back to the days when the Tutsi queen supposedly rose from her seat supported by swords driven between the shoulders of Hutu children. In December 1993, a picture of a machete appeared on the front page of a Hutu publication under the headline “What to do about the Tutsis?”

Habyarimana knew that the RPF, thanks to Ugandan backing, was better armed, trained and disciplined than his own army. Under immense international pressure, he had agreed in August 1993 to grant the RPF seats in a transitional government and nearly half of all posts in the army. Even Tutsis inside Rwanda were against giving the RPF so much power because they knew it could provoke the angry, fearful Hutus even more, and they were right. As Habyarimana’s increasingly weak government reluctantly acceded to the RPF’s demands for power, Hutu extremist mayors and other local officials began stockpiling rifles, and government-linked anti-Tutsi militia groups began distributing machetes and kerosene to prospective génocidaires. In January 1994, four months before the genocide, the CIA predicted that if tensions were not somehow defused, hundreds of thousands of people would die in ethnic violence. The powder keg awaited a spark to set it off.

That spark arrived at about 8pm on 6 April 1994, when rockets fired from positions close to Kigali airport shot down Habyarimana’s plane as it was preparing to land. The next morning, frantic Hutu militia groups, convinced that the Nilotic apocalypse was at hand, launched a ferocious attack against their Tutsi neighbours.

Few subjects are more polarising than the modern history of Rwanda. Questions such as “Has the RPF committed human rights abuses?” or “Who shot down President Habyarimana’s plane?” have been known to trigger riots at academic conferences. The Rwandan government bans and expels critical scholars from the country, labelling them “enemies of Rwanda” and “genocide deniers”, and Kagame has stated that he doesn’t think that “anyone in the media, UN [or] human rights organisations has any moral right whatsoever to level any accusations against me or Rwanda”.

Be that as it may, several lines of evidence suggest that the RPF was responsible for the downing of Habyarimana’s plane. The missiles used were Russian-made SA-16s. The Rwandan army was not known to possess these weapons, but the RPF had them at least since May 1991. Two SA-16 single-use launchers were also found in a valley near Masaka Hill, an area within range of the airport that was accessible to the RPF. According to the Russian military prosecutor’s office, the launchers had been sold to Uganda by the USSR in 1987.

Since 1997, five additional investigations of the crash have been carried out, including one by a UN-appointed team, and one each by French and Spanish judges working independently. These three concluded that the RPF was probably responsible. Two Rwandan government investigations conversely concluded that Hutu elites and members of Habyarimana’s own army were responsible.

2012 report on the crash commissioned by two French judges supposedly exonerated the RPF. But this report, although widely publicised as definitive, actually was not. The authors used ballistic and acoustic evidence to argue that the missiles were probably fired by the Rwandan army from Kanombe military barracks. But they admit that their technical findings could not exclude the possibility that the missiles were fired from Masaka Hill, where the launchers were found. The report also fails to explain how the Rwandan army, which was not known to possess SA-16s, could have shot down the plane using them.

Soon after the plane crash, the génocidaires began their attack against the Tutsis, and the RPF began advancing. But the rebels’ troop movements suggested that their primary priority was conquering the country, not saving Tutsi civilians. Rather than heading south, where most of the killings were taking place, the RPF circled around Kigali. By the time it reached the capital weeks later, most of the Tutsis there were dead.

When the UN peacekeeper Dallaire met RPF commander Kagame during the genocide, he asked about the delay. “He knew full well that every day of fighting on the periphery meant certain death for Tutsis still behind [Rwanda government forces] lines,” Dallaire wrote in Shake Hands With the Devil. “[Kagame] ignored the implications of my question.”

In the years that followed, Bill Clinton apologised numerous times for the US’s inaction during the genocide. “If we’d gone in sooner, I believe we could have saved at least a third of the lives that were lost,” he told journalist Tania Bryer in 2013. Instead, Europeans and Americans extracted their own citizens and the UN peacekeepers quietly withdrew. But Dallaire indicates that Kagame would have rejected Clinton’s help in any case. “The international community is looking at sending an intervention force on humanitarian grounds,” Kagame told Dallaire. “But for what reason? If an intervention force is sent to Rwanda, we,” – meaning the RPF – “will fight it.”

 

As the RPF advanced, Hutu refugees fled into neighbouring countries. In late April, television stations around the world broadcast images of thousands upon thousands of them crossing the Rusumo Bridge from Rwanda into Tanzania, as the bloated corpses of Rwandans floated down the Kagera river beneath them. Most viewers assumed that all the corpses were Tutsis killed by Hutu génocidaires. But the river drains mainly from areas then held by the RPF, and Mark Prutsalis, a UN official working in the Tanzanian refugee camps, maintains that at least some of the bodies were probably Hutu victims of reprisal killings by the RPF. One refugee after another told him that RPF soldiers had gone house to house in Hutu areas, dragging people out, tying them up and throwing them in the river. The UN estimated later that the RPF killed some 10,000 civilians each month during the genocide.

Lawrence Nsereko was among the journalists on the Rusumo Bridge that day and as the bodies floated by, he noticed something strange. The upper arms of some of them had been tied with ropes behind their backs. In Uganda, this method of restraint is known as the “three-piece tie”; it puts extreme pressure on the breastbone, causing searing pain, and may result in gangrene. Amnesty International had recently highlighted it as a signature torture method of Museveni’s army, and Lawrence wondered whether the RPF had learned this technique from their Ugandan patrons.

In June 1994, while the slaughter in Rwanda was still underway, Museveni travelled to Minneapolis, where he received a Hubert H Humphrey public service medal and honorary doctorate from the University of Minnesota. The dean, a former World Bank official, praised Museveni for ending human rights abuses in Uganda and preparing his country for multiparty democracy. Western journalists and academics showered Museveni with praise. “Uganda [is] one of the few flickers of hope for the future of black Africa,” wrote one. The New York Times compared the Ugandan leader to Nelson Mandela, and Time magazine hailed him as a “herdsman and philosopher” and “central Africa’s intellectual compass.”

Museveni also visited Washington on that trip, where he met with Clinton and his national security adviser, Anthony Lake. I could find no record of what the men discussed, but I can imagine the Americans lamenting the tragedy in Rwanda, and the Ugandan explaining that this disaster only confirmed his long-held theory that Africans were too attached to clan loyalties for multiparty democracy. The continent’s ignorant peasants belonged under the control of autocrats like himself.

Helen C Epstein

This is an adapted extract from Another Fine Mess: America, Uganda and the War on Terror, published by Columbia Global Reports. To order a copy for £9.34, go to guardianbookshop.com or call 0330 333 6846. Free UK p&p over £10, online orders only. Phone orders min. p&p of £1.99.

 

Dushyigikiye DR KIZZA BESIGYE, INTWARI izahora iratwa n’ urubyiruko rw’Abaharanira Demokarasi muri Afurika.

Besigye

Dr KIIZA BESIGYE, Umukandida wa FDC

Twakomeje gukurikiranira hafi akarasisi karanze amatora aherutse kuba mu gihugu cy’abaturanyi cya UGANDA, hari taliki ya 18/2/2016.Twashimye by’umwihariko ibiganiro-mpaka bibiri byahuje abakandida bahataniraga umwanya wa Perezida wa Repubulika : Icyambere cyabaye taliki ya 15/1/2016, icyakabiri kiba ku itariki ya 13/2/2016. Twaribwiraga tuti wabona igihugu cya Uganda giciye agahigo kikaba intangarugero muri demokarasi, abaturage bagasubizwa uburenganzira bwabo bwo kwihitiramo abayobozi bashatse binyuze mu matora adafifitse. Twarishukaga ngo wabona Perezida KAGUTA Museveni umaze imyaka 30 yose ku butegetsi noneho yibutse rya jambo rikomeye yavuze mu mwaka w’1986 ngo » Icyorezo gikomeye kizahaje Afurika si abaturage b’ibihugu ahubwo ni abaperezida bihambira ku butegetsi mu buryo buteye isoni « . Twari twaheranywe n’inzozi twihenda ngo n’ubwo Museveni yahindaguye itegekonshinshinga rya Uganda kenshi kugirango arambe ku butegetsi, ubu noneho nk’umukambwe wabonye ibipfa n’ibikira yashyira mu gaciro akereka abanya Uganda n’isi yose ko inyota y’ubutegetsi nayo igira iherezo.

Twarihendaga.

Nk’uko bigaragarira buri wese, Museveni yiyatse amahirwe yo gusezera ku butegetsi mu nzira yari kuzamuhesha icyubahiro mu minsi itari myinshi asigaje kuri iyi si, none ahisemo kwiyandikisha bidasubirwaho ku rutonde rw’abakuru b’ibihugu badashobotse, barangwa n’ikinyoma gusa, bubakira byose ku kwikunda, igitugu n’iterabwoba, badashishikajwe n’inyungu rusange, batunzwe no gusahura ibya rubanda, bahonyora uburenganzira shingiro bw’abenegihugu, mbese bene babandi bazahora bibukirwa ku mahano y’urukozasoni yaranze ubutegetsi bwabo.

Mu gutekinika amatora yo mu 2016 , mu kogera uburimiro ku mukandida DR KIIZA BESIGYE no guhohotera abo muri Opozisiyo , abarasa, abakubita, abafungira ubusa… Museveni yeretse urubyiruko rwa Uganda ndetse n’urw’Akarere kose k’Ibiyaga bigari ko nta cyizere na gito bakwiye kongera kugirira aba bayobozi bafashe ubutegetsi bamaze kugarika ingogo ! Ahubwo Museveni abaye nk’uhagamariye urubyiruko rukunda Dr KIIZA BESIGYE kurushaho kwisuganya no guhagurukana umuriri bagahangana bagashyirwa bahangamuye ubutegetsi BWIBA AMAJWI izuba riva, bugasuzugura ibyifuzo nyakuri by’abenegihugu.

M7VSDRBESIGYE

Dr Besigye (ibumoso) na Kaguta Museveni

Muri make, ibidakorwa Perezida Museveni ariho akora i Bugande muri iki gihe, bimutesheje agaciro bidasubirwaho ndetse birasa n’ibitangije ibihe bidasanzwe bya Revolisiyo ya rubanda itazabura guhitana umukambwe Kaguta Museveni ndetse n’abandi banyagitugu nka we bo mu Karere.

Nanone kandi byumvikane ko ibiri kubera mu gihugu cya Uganda bifite igisobanuro n’amasomo menshi arenga kure imbibi z’icyo gihugu . Umuryango mpuzamahanga wo warangije kurunguruka umunyagitugu Museveni no kumukura ho amaboko. Ariko igiteye inkeke kurushaho ni uko Urubyiruko rw’ibihugu bigize Akarere ka Afurika y’Uburasirazuba (EAC) rwarangije kumva neza ko ari ngombwa kwitabaza INTWARO kugira ngo bariya bategetsi bigize INDAKOREKA n’IBIGIRWAMANA bashobore kwigizwayo no gushyirwa mu mwanya bakwiye .

Umwanzuro

KAGAME NA SEWABO

Kaguta Museveni na Kagame Pahulo (iburyo)

Nkatwe twiyemeje guharanira gufasha Abanyarwanda kugera ku mpinduka nziza bakeneye dushyize imbere inzira y’amahoro , turareba tugasanga ibiriho kubera i Bugande bigenura urudutegereje! Niba mu mpera z’umwaka wa 2015, Perezida Pahulo Kagame yarariye isoni akagerageza guhindura Itegekonshinga ( n ‘ubwo byakozwe uko atabishakaga!)kugirango azagwe ku butegetsi, nta cyemeza ko mu matora ya 2017 azibuza kugenza nka Sewabo KAGUTA Museveni ndetse no gukora ibirenzeho kugirango akunde anige ijwi rya rubanda itakimukeneye, bityo akomeze ategeke abatamushaka.Niyo mpamvu rero abifuza kwitangira impinduka nzima mu Rwanda dukwiye gukomeza urugendo nta mususu ariko tukanakura isomo ku biri kubera i Bugande maze tukarushaho kunoza intego n’ingendo kugira ngo tutazatungurwa! Ndongera guhamagarira cyane cyane urubyiruko rw’u Rwanda, ari abari mu gihugu no hanze yacyo, kwitabira  » « RASSEMBLEMENT ANTI-TROISIEME MANDAT » kugira ngo duhamye « Stratégies » zikwiye guhangamura ingoma y’igitugu y’Agatsiko kiyemeje kuduhindura Indorerezi n’Abagereerwa mu gihugu cyacu.

 

Turashima UBUTWARI bwa Dr BESIGYE n’urubyiruko rwa Uganda rumushyigikiye kandi tukaba tubifuriza ko bakomeza umutsi bagaharanira uburenganzira bwabo batitaye ku bikangisho bya Perezida Museveni kandi ntibakangwa ubugome bwose bashobora kagirirwa. Abafaransa babivuze ukuri ngo : « A vaincre sans péril on triomphe sans gloire ». Tubahanze amaso kandi turabashyigikiye.

Padiri Thomas Nahimana,
Umukandida w’Ishyaka ISHEMA na Nouvelle Génération mu matora ya Perezida wa Repubulika yo mu mwaka wa 2017.