Tag Archives: Rwanda

No one should dare to equate the Father of the Republic to the tyrant.

On May 6^th 2020 Dr David Himbara on his own blog confirmed unverified hypothesis that “Every post-independence Rwandan dictator weaponized genocide”. “This is an indisputable fact”, he wrote. This post is a reproduction of another he wrote on April 26^th 2017 at the same blog.

Despite insufficiency of tangible evidence in both articles, you may understand how it is so important to him to find the dictator Paul Kagame and other Republican leaders in the same basket. By my right and duty of a good citizen, I would like to help him by answering the questions on which he based his thoughts.

“Why did Kayibanda refuse to adopt the Genocide Convention in his 11-year rule?” Dr David Himbara questioned.

Himbara’s only argument that HE Gregoire Kayibanda would be a genocidaire like Kagame is that he did not sign the Genocide Convention during his 11 years on power. Dr Himbara supports his sole argument with the fact that some other African countries quickly ratified that convention!

Assuming that Himbara has no other thought behind, one would like to know why he has never worried nor questioned why no king of Rwanda signed such genocide convention. I think this should be a good way to reason in the best possible way, as from the date when the Genocide Convention was opened for signature on December 09^th 1948, both Mutara III Rudahigwa and Kigeli V Ndahindurwa were absolute kings of Rwanda, respectively. In fact, at that time any Member of the United Nations and any non-member State to which an invitation to sign had been addressed by the General Assembly, had the right to be a party to the Convention and Rwanda was one of them (See Article 11 of the genocide convention). I very much doubt that Himbara jumped this period of time from 1948 to 1962 without knowledge of this fact. He merely wanted to rush on HE Gregoire Kayibanda who is quite innocent in this matter of Rwanda genocides.

To proceed I may remind Himbara that even today in 2020, not in 1962, the Convention on genocide still stands a low rate of acceptance by many countries. For instance, the United States signed on only yesterday, after decades with protracted debates, and I hope they have not weaponized genocide. To be complete, one should list and examine each state which has not yet ratified or acceded to the Genocide Convention in order to let Himbara prove himself wrong and apologize to the public for luck of intellectual honesty.

If to Himbara a non-ratifying state weaponizes genocide, many countries are now concerned, as of in February 2018, at least 45 United Nations Member States had not yet ratified the Genocide Convention. Some of those are: Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Angola, Botswana Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritania, Mauritius, Niger, Sao Tome and Principe, Sierra Leone, South Sudan, Swaziland Zambia, Indonesia, Japan, Kiribati, Nauru, Oman, Palau, Qatar, Samoa, Thailand, Timor-Leste, Turkmenistan, Tuvalu and Vanuatu. Etc.

Briefly speaking, signature subject to ratification of multilateral convention is an act of interests towards other countries. Like any other contract, it is negotiated and signed, ratified or accessed considering in first place always the interests of your own nation. Therefore, HE Gregoire Kayibanda did not refuse to adopt or sign the convention because at the time of its adoption (1948), Rwanda was not ruled by him but by the King Mutara III Rudahigwa. Nor he did not refuse ratification of the convention as it is a process done always by the country not by a president as a person. In this case, Dr Himbara should have asked why His Majesty MUTARA III Rudahigwa did not sign the genocide convention. Following Himbara’s reasoning, King MUTARA “knew that he would sooner or later unleash genocide” (Himbara’s own words on Habyarimana).

Theoretically and practically, a country cannot be bound without its consent, and consequently no convention can be effective on the territory against the will of that country, therefore, no ratification without its agreement thereto. That is why Rwanda was subjected to the “Accession”, the act whereby a state accepts the offer to become a party to a convention or treaty already negotiated and signed by other states. Accordingly, Rwanda accessed to the genocide convention on April 16^th 1975.

Thanks to HE Gregoire Kayibanda, Rwanda has become an independent Republic until today. For sure he will remain a father of our nation, because not only he served many from slavery to liberty, from domination to equality but also, he established democracy in our young Republic. And with the wisdom he had, he could not accept such event of genocides on Rwandan soil or elsewhere in pursuit of Tutsi who fled the country.

“Why did Habyarimana in his 21-year rule block the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to try genocide crimes in Rwanda?” A question raised by Dr David Himbara.

To the first question raised, Dr David Himbara was against HE Gregoire Kayibanda because he did not “adopt” the genocide convention. Now the convention is accessed but he is still accusing HE Juvenal Habyarimana that he did block the ICJ to try genocide crimes because of “a reservation” he made during the time of accession. In both articles since 2017? Himbara argued that “Habyarimana effectively blocked the International Court of Justice from holding Rwanda accountable for genocide crimes in Rwanda. It is as if Habyarimana knew that he would sooner or later unleash genocide. Habyarimana would not give up his genocide weapon.”

And he concludes that the former president Juvenal HABYARIMANA like his predecessor, used the genocide as a weapon. But Himbara fails to explain when, how and where exactly this happened? I wish Himbara himself would have provided more information. But he did not, probably and may be, he will. The only argument he advances, is constituted on the fact that the president accepted the accession to the Genocide Convention in 1970s, with a reservation. To Himbara, this is a crime! Not an ordinary one, but a genocide. I must say that this is wrong, wicked, and dangerous!

Before I proceed, I may ask Himbara if he knows any act of genocide committed during Habyarimana regime. And why did this wait so long after his assassination (on the 06^th April 1994) to be discovered by Himbara? Moreover, why this was not mentioned in the reasons of the RPF’s attack of October 1^st, 1990?

It is true that Rwanda’s instrument of accession to the Convention, contains a reservation worded as follows: “The Rwandese Republic does not consider itself as bound by Article IX of the Convention.” However, this reservation cannot block the ICJ to try genocide crimes especially that the court itself is not competent for crimes matters like genocide. (See the ICJ statute, Article 36, pt.2). I will provide more explanation below, by answering your 3^rd question.

Yet, someone may wonder what the content of this Article IX of the Genocide Convention is. It reads as follows:

“Disputes between the Contracting Parties relating to the interpretation, application or fulfillment of the present Convention, including those relating to the responsibility of a State for genocide or for any of the other acts enumerated in article III, shall be submitted to the International Court of Justice at the request of any of the parties to the dispute.”

Except Himbara, everyone including Paul Kagame who reads this article can easily find out that “this reservation to Article IX is not incompatible with the object and purpose of the convention, inasmuch as the reservation relates not to the substantive obligations of the parties to the Convention but to a procedural provision”. In addition, many other States maintain similar reservations, and the majority of the 151 States parties to the Convention have raised no objection to that reservation.

Just for information, even the USA has ratified the Convention, though after forty years (1988) with significant reservations on the same Article IX. It states that with respect to any disputes involving the United States, such disputes may only be submitted to the International Court of Justice with the specific consent of the United States. (see reservation 782). Following Dr Himbara’s reasoning, the sole purpose for such reservation can be also a genocide plan.

Notwithstanding that the question of reservation to Genocide Convention has been even solved in 1951, Himbara still fails to understand it in 2020. In fact, when Rwanda made its reservation on April 16^th, 1975; this confusion of Dr Himbara was already removed 24 years before Rwanda accessed to the convention. Generally speaking, the Jurisprudence made by the ICJ has already found that reservations are not prohibited under the Genocide Convention. “It is well established that even if a convention contained no article on subject of reservations, it does not mean that these are prohibited”. (See the ICJ Advisory Opinion on Reservations to the Genocide Convention, ICJ, May 28, 1951, P.12, 22 (1951 I.C.J. 15).

David Himbara should know that the reservation made by Rwanda to the Genocide Convention was legal and lawfully accepted, otherwise it would had been disputed among states members. And he should also know that the reservation is raised when the interests of the country is flouted. Therefore, it was in the best interests of Rwanda as a country and its citizens, not Habyarimana as an individual.

“Why did Kagame use Habyarimana’s clause to block the International Court of Justice’s jurisdiction to try Rwanda’s genocide crimes in DRC?”- Dr David Himbara asked.

Dear Dr Himbara, first, the ICJ is not competent for criminal matters, much less to try genocide crimes. Only states may be parties in cases before this court because its jurisdiction in all legal disputes is limited to:

the interpretation of a treaty;
any question of international law;
the existence of any fact which, if established, would constitute a breach of an international obligation;
the nature or extent of the reparation to be made for the breach of an international obligation.

Therefore, in its application the DRC contended that Rwanda has violated Articles II and III of the Genocide Convention as the “result from acts of armed aggression perpetrated by Rwanda on the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in flagrant breach of its sovereignty and territorial integrity. (See ICJ, DRC v Rwanda, 3 February 2006, No. 126, pt 22).

Nevertheless, I agree with you that Paul Kagame not only planned genocide but also committed it either in Rwanda or in Democratic Republic of the Congo. But he did not block the criminal prosecution just by reservation as you said. Normally, due to the interests of colonial power (via Kagame) all reservation including this one should have been removed according to the Article 15 of the Arusha Protocol as signed on 3 August 1993, later on confirmed through a décret-loi No. 014/01 of 15 February 1995. For sure, one day he will face justice under Rwandans people’s court or under the ICC or any other court through universal jurisdiction. It is a matter of time.

In your second article you well mentioned the violation of the Article II of the Convention to define the crime of genocide. Actually, Paul Kagame’s criminal responsibility is based on those acts found in that Article, together with other two important elements:

The physical element: the acts he committed as found in Article II.
The mental element: His intent to constitute genocide against Rwandans inside, there must be a proven intent on the part of perpetrators to physically destroy a national and ethnical group both Hutu, Twa and Tutsi. This is a special intent, or dolus specialis, that makes the crime of genocide so unique. To know this, the real question is “what is the purpose of the offender?”, not “what is the result?”.

Thus, to constitute “crime of genocide”, it needs to be established that the victims are deliberately targeted not randomly because of their real or perceived membership of the group protected under the Convention. This means that the target of destruction must be the group, as such, or even a part of it, but not its members as individuals. For instance, the target of Hutu by RPA, in Byumba alone should be qualified as genocide, the same the devastation of Kibeho camp, alone constitutes genocide, and also extermination of Hutu Refugees in DRC alone constitutes genocide as well.

With the same idea, why in your first Article in April 2017, do you write as follows: “As we mourn our loved ones who departed from us during the 1994 Rwandan genocide”, but for second time on the May 6^th 2020, you change the gear to “the commemoration of the genocide against Tutsi”? Dr Himbara why and what is the difference?

Why did you insist on equating Paul Kagame to Juvenal HABYARIMANA? It is true that Kagame used genocide as a tool to avoid justice but why do you want to convince everyone that Kagame is as bad as Habyarimana. Let me tell you something which I can stand on until I die, Kagame will stay a unique tyrant in the history of Rwanda until the end. No one can be compared to Kagame, he is the worst.

Dear Dr HIMBARA,

When I find that you served as the Principal Private Secretary (PPS) to the President Paul Kagame, and that before that you headed the Strategy and Policy Unit (SPU) in the Office of the President, I understand how very difficult it is to oppose a system that you yourself have built.

However, it is a universal principle that “no one may profit by his own wrongdoing”.

Venant Nkurunziza

Your fellow Rwandan

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Akana Alice mu buzima bushaririye no gukama ikimasa!

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Tumaze iminsi tubona umukobwa wa Nsekalije Aloys witwa Akana Alice yitakuma ku mbuga nkoranyambaga nka facebook avuga ibigwi FPR na Kagame. Yigira Inkotanyi kurusha iz’amarere z’ikubitiro. Agira ibitutsi n’ugushyanuka birenze urugero. Ariko bigatuma abantu bibaza impamvu atajya i Kigali cyane ko avuga ko igihugu kiyobowe neza! Twashatse abamuzi batubwira iby’ubuzima bwe. Buteye agahinda! Inkuru irambuye turayigezwaho n’umukunzi wacu.

Akana alice ni muntu ki?

Alice AKANA yavukiye i Kigali tariki ya 18 Mata 1972 avuka ari umwana wa 6 mu bana 8 b’umugore mukuru wa Colonel NSEKALIJE Aloys.
Amashuri abanza yayigiye i Kigali ayisumbuye ayakomereza ku Nyundo. Jenoside yo mu 1994 yabaye Akana atararangiza amashuri yisumbuye, aza kuyarangiriza ku kindi kigo. Nyuma yaje guhungira i Nairobi muri Kenya asanga yo bamwe mu bo bavukanye bari baranze gusanga ababyeyi babo mu Rwanda. Muri iki gihe mu bo bavukana, abakobwa babiri batuye mu Bubiligi, umwe atuye muri Canada (Quebec), umwe atuye mu Buholandi, umwe mu Busuwisi. Musaza we witwa Fidèle Mitsindo atuye mu Rwanda akaba avugwaho kwica no kwicisha abantu benshi mu yahoze ari amakomini ya Karago na Giciye. Undi mwana wabo w’umuhugu yitabye Imana.

Akana Alice na musaza we , Mitsindo Fidèle bamamaza Kagame mu 2017.

Akana Alice afite abana 3 yabyaranye n’abagabo 3 batandukanye. Inda y’umuhungu we mukuru yayitwariye i Nairobi muri Kenya, ariko umwana yavukiye mu Butaliyani. Akana alice yageze mu Butaliyani ahunze ariko yibwira ko asanze se w’umwana, kuko we yari yarahageze mbere. Uwo musore, se w’umwana mukuru wa Akana akaba mwene wabo wa Perezida Habyarimana. Akana akihagera, umusore yamuteye utwatsi, kandi ni mu gihe kuko i Nairobi Akana yari azwiho kuryamana n’abagabo benshi batandukanye mu gihe kimwe. Ngo yagiraga ubuntu butangaje cyane!

Ibyo bibaye, Akana yahise ayabangira ingata ahungira mu bu Bubiligi aho yakiriwe n’inshuti za Nsekalije zirimo Bwana Ndagijimana Emmanuel bita Idi Amini, Karake, n’abandi benewabo bakomoka ahitwaga mu Bushiru, ariko cyane cyane bene wabo wa Perezida Habyarimana. Icyamuranze cyane ni ubumenyi buke mu kwita no kurera ako kana ke k’agahungu kari kakiri gato. Imyaka ya mbere, Akana yabanye cyane n’imiryango y’abahoze ku butegetsi mbere ya 1994 ariko ashishikajwe cyane no kuba yababonamo umugabo. Aha twavuga cyane cyane abana ba Habyarimana, Kabuga, Nsanzimana Sylvestre, n’abandi. Kuba na bo barakomeje kumutera utwatsi biri mu byatumye buhoro buhoro agenda arushaho kwiheba, dore ko uko yagendaga asaza ari na ko yarushagaho kugira uburanga budakurura abasore.

Mu kurwanya uko kwiheba, Akana yatangiye gushakishiriza mu madini y’inzaduka y’abarokore ndetse agera no mu madini akorana bya hafi na FPR, aza kwisanga atagiterwa isoni no kwiyita Inkotanyi! N’ubu aracyakomeje kwiyita ko asenga Yesu ariko byose bikajyana n’ibitutsi n’amagambo y’urukozasoni yirirwa yandika ku mbuga nkoranyambaga. Uburere yigeze kugira FPR yabumukamuyemo, imugira intore ariko y’intoraguramayugi!

Yigeze gukora amasezerano yo kubana akaramata (mariage) n’umugabo w’umuzungu babana ahitwa Ottignies mu Bubiligi ariko ntibatinze gutandukana kubera ya ngeso yo gushurashura y’i Nairobi. Umwana babyaranye, ubucamanza bwaramumwambuye bumuha se kubera imyitwarire mibi ya nyina.

Akana afite umwana muto w’umukobwa yirirwa yirukankana hirya no hino ku buryo na we ashobora kumwamburwa. Haracyashakishwa uwamwakira cyane ko ise umubyara yanze kumwemera kandi n’abandi bakobwa ba Nsekalije badashobora kumufata kubera impamvu zabo bwite.

Imibereho ikarishye

Akana Alice yageze mu Burayi afite imyaka 25 ariko kuva icyo gihe ntiyigeze agira ka formation na kamwe akora, bityo nta kazi na kamwe yigeze agira kugeza magingo aya. Bimwe mu byamuranze akigera mu Bubiligi ni ukuntu yavugaga hirya no hino ko Nsekalije yaraguriwe kuzaba Président w’u Rwanda! Izo ndagu zatumye azenguruka abapfumu (marabout) bose n’aba voyants b’i Buruseli ! Bose kandi ngo bamubwiraga ko izo ndagu ari zo, na we si ugutyaza amenyo no kurya umunyu karahava!

Kubera gushaka kubaho bidahuye n’ubushobozi bwe, byagiye bituma akenshi yirukanwa mu nzu yari acumbikiwemo za HLM (habitation à loyer modéré) maze akajyanwa mu mazu azwi nka “maisons d’accueil” ashoreranye n’utwo twana twe.

Umuhungu we mukuru byamuviriyemo guhagarika amashuri yisumbuye kugeza n’ubu akaba akomeje guhangayikisha abigeze kumumenya cyane cyane ko atakibana na nyina. Uyu ni we Akana yatangarije ku ma radio na televiziyo i Kigali ko ngo yifuza kujya kwibera mu Rwanda! Imibereho yo mu Bubiligi ntiyamuhiriye kubera guhora yirukanwa mu mazu azira kutishyura ubukode, ndetse serivisi zitaga ubufasha zagiye zimufungira imfashanyo kubera amanyanga yakoze menshi atandukanye! Akana abonye ashobewe yize amayeri mashya yo gusabiriza amafaranga akagenda yitwaje abana, inzara cyangwa amashuri.

Kujya mu Rwanda

Akana amaze gushoberwa yigiriye inama yo kujya gushakishiriza i Kigali. Yibwiraga ko niyamamaza Kagame azamufasha kugaruza imwe mu mitungo Nsekalije yasigiye abana b’umugore we mukuru, ndetse byanashoboka agahabwa n’imutungo yasigiwe umugore muto. Umugore mukuru we yari yaritabye Imana. Ibi Akana kandi yashakaga kubikora aciye inyuma abandi bavukana baba hanze.

Gusa rero ngo “aho umutindi yanitse ntiriva”. Imibare ye yaje kumupfana kubera kwerekwa igihandure na muramukazi we ( Umugore wa Mitsindo). Uyu mugore ni we ucunga ibintu kubera ko Mitsindo afite uburwayi bwo mu mutwe budasobanutse ( ab’iwabo bavuga ko ari abazimu b’abantu yishe bamutera). Ikindi, ni uko umugore wa Nsekalije muto afite abamushyigikiye benshi mu cyama ku buryo gushyigikira Kagame muri campagne ntacyo byashoboraga guhindura. Hakiyongeraho ko akundwa cyane na bene wabo wa Nsekalije baba mu Murenge wa Rambura ngo kuko ari umugore urangwa no gushyira mu gaciro no gushishoza.

Akana alice yiyegereje aba jenerali

Akana alice abonye atega zivamo, yivuye inyuma si uguhuragura ibigambo, abanyakigali batamuzi bakagira ngo barobye isamaki , bya he byo kajya!
Paul Kagame yarabyitegereje, yumva ibigambo byuzuye ubujiji Akana yahuraguye yibwira ngo arabona amanota, biramurakaza cyane:

Kugaruka i Burayi

Ibyo byose byanze, Akana yahisemo gushaka agahungu k’aka jeune yabeshyeshya kujya i Burayi kugira ngo kamurongore na byo ntibyakunda kubera ko uburara bwe buzwi ku isi hose. Ikindi kandi haza no gutahurwa ko kuzamuzana (Réunification familiale) nta kazi yigeze bidashoboka.
I Kigali abantu bazi Akana Alice bari basigaye bamubona bakamwihisha kubera ibihe bikomeye by’inzara n’ubushomeri yari amaze kugeramo, bigera n’aho abura uwamucumbikira. Ng’uko uko yazinze amabinga agaruka mu Bubiligi atumva atabona.

Ubu abavandimwe be baba hanze bamucitseho kubera buriya bujura yashatse kubakorera mu Rwanda.
Magingo aya Akana Alice abarizwa mu mujyi wa Charleroi. Biravugwa ko noneho ubu ari mu gukora amahugurwa mu bijyanye no kwita ku bageze mu zabukuru. Aho aviriye mu Rwanda ubu nta munyarwanda ukimwegera, aho anyuze hose baramuhunga kuko bakeka ko yabaha uburozi buzwi nk'”utuzi twa Munyuza”.

Ng’uko uko Akana alice yashaririwe n’ubuzima, agashaka kwisunga FPR ariko bikaba bya bindi byo gukama ikimasa.

Tubanambazi Ezéchiel

Buruseli

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Rwanda/COVID-19 : Bad governance kills more than the pandemic !

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Other countries have devised strategies to fight COVID-19. These include:

1. A Task Force to manage the response
2. A framework to coordinate funds /aids received as well as voluntary contributions from local and or non-local benefactors.
3. A reporting system to ensure transparency of the process.

Here is what Rwanda did:
1. No Task Force knwon. In fact, nobody knows who is in charge.
2. No independent body to manage funds and aids. The Government takes all monies, and nobody knows how much is received, how it is managed, where the monies are sent , and who to be held accountable.
3. Since there is nobody in charge, no reporting is made on regular basis, even the communiqués from Ministry of health are not signed, thus the people do not know who to hold accountable.

This is how far Rwanda is down. Where have all intellectuals, economists, scientists, doctors gone? Since when mediocrity is preferred over logic, common sense and knowledge?

Who knows whether these monies are not sent to fiscal paradises abroad?
The country cannot move forward in this state.

One last but not least point: do you know that Rwandans would chose COVID-19 over bad gouvernance? Why?
Because, with good governance, the preparedness is possible, well informed decisions are available, and efficient response is possible. Because of bad governance, the number of famine victims beats the number of the pandemic victims.

Ladies and gentlemen, I am ashamed to introduce to you the Banana Republic of Kagame .

Admin

Général NYAMVUMBA, un criminel de guerre notoire

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Radio Inkingi

A sa sortie, Kagame est encore peu prometteur!

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Ça faisait longtemps que Paul Kagame ne s’adressait pas aux Rwandais, et quand il fait ce 27 avril 2020, il s’exprime en anglais. Moins de 20% de Rwandais comprennent cette langue. Quant au contenu, le président rwandais ne livre rien. Absolument rien. La seule chose qu’il aura réussie, c’est de semer plus de doutes sur sa localisation sa conférence étant faite à distance.

Avant cette sortie, beaucoup de rumeurs circulaient. L’absence du président inquiétait les Rwandais, les uns allant jusqu’à poser qu’il est mort. C’est peut-être cette prétendue mort qui l’a poussé à sortir subitement, et visiblement, mal préparé. Dans ces réponses , aux journalistes bien sélectionnés comme si le message était destiné à une audience précise, Kagame ne maîtrise rien. Ceci soulève plus de questionnements: Est-il vraiment vivant? Comment se peut-il qu’après plus d’un mois, un chef d’Etat ne s’adresse pas à son peuple pour exprimer une solidarité?

De la crise causée par la pandémie, Kagame ne livre rien. Pas de statistique. Pas de stratégie, pourtant demandée par plusieurs Rwandais. Le président ne dit rien sur la gestion des fonds déjà reçus dans l’effort de lutter contre Covid-19. Il ne pense pas aux citoyens du menu peuple dont le bien-être est mis à mal par les mesures de confinement décrétées sans suivre la procédure légale pourtant prévue par la Constitution rwandaise. Tout ce qu’il révèle est qu’un conseil des ministres va se tenir cette semaine pour déterminer la voie à suivre dans les prochains jours.

Une journaliste de RFI lui pose la question sur l’assassinat du chantre rwandais Kizito Mihigo mort en février 2020. Kagame, manifestement mal à l’aise avec cette question, réplique qu’il ne sera jamais capable de convaincre qui que ce soit sur la thèse du suicide. Lui-même sait que ce mensonge ne tient pas la route. Et, il demande à la journaliste: “Can we put it to rest, please?” Il évite d’en parler.

Rappelons que depuis l’assassinat de ce jeune homme, Kagame a du mal à justifier son innocence dans ce dossier. Dans ses notes, Kizito explique le rôle important de la directrice de cabinet de Kagame à l’époque, Inès MPAMBARA, dans son calvaire. La femme est même allée jusqu’à menacer de mort le jeune artiste.

Une question intéressante sur l’incursion de l’armée rwandaise au Congo, une information qui circule depuis quelques semaines. Sauf que le chef de l’Etat nie toutes les allégations en bloc, tentant de façon maladroitement voilée, de justifier cette action militaire s’elle avait eu lieu. Pour tout observateur avisé, sa réponse constitue un aveu sans équivoque. Sauf un enfant né d’hier, l’on sait que les soldats rwandais ont toujours été au Congo, et que Kagame l’a toujours nié.

Le silence de Kagame au sujet de la misère du peuple rwandais, sa disparition des radars pendant longtemps, les actes de barbarie commis par son armée contre les citoyens, l’arrestation des journalistes au nom du Covid-19 mais, qui réellement, on le sait, vise à museler les lanceurs d’alerte, tout porte à croire que Kagame n’est pas l’homme de la situation, maintenant, encore moins pour la période après Covid-19.

Chaste Gahunde

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The genocide plan against Rwandans currently disguised as COVID-19 confinement

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The genocide plan against Rwandans currently disguised as COVID-19 confinement

1. The 1994 genocide as a precedent
During the period of April-June 1994, Hutus and Tutsis were killed for who they were in either controlled zones by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) led by Paul Kagame or the then Rwandan government headed by Jean Kambanda.
2. The enabler of the 1994 genocide
The then US president Bill Clinton refused to call genocide what was happening in Rwanda at that time, because of his administration’s strategy for non-intervention to enable RPF to gain power. This US attitude was part of a regional political game plan, which considered RPF as the main player to have more influence at the expense of France and Belgium.
3. A never-ending genocide
After RPF took over from the Hutu government, it put in place internal and external policies aimed at reducing the number of Hutus, among these were:

1. Targeting and killing Hutu political leaders and intellectuals inside and outside Rwanda, with an objective of retaining the political supremacy of RPF as long as possible; while this was happening, Hutu refugees were attacked, killed and persistently disturbed in their precarious lives everywhere.
2. Denying their survivors access to any sort of assistance that would help them to recover from suffered traumas.
3. Devising economic, agricultural, employment, health and educational policies aimed at making Hutus poorer, die silently or feel as second class citizens.

4. How Rwanda’s neighbouring countries are dealing with COVID-19 Burundi, DRC, Uganda and Tanzania, the neighbouring countries of Rwanda, haven’t instructed their citizens to strictly stay at home as a way of fighting the COVID-19 pandemic. After objective analysis of the conditions within which their people live, they consequently found that confining them without giving them food would’ve been like ordering them to die.

5. The suffering of Rwandan people under confinement
Since the Prime Minister’s public announcement of the confinement on March 21st, we have noticed that there is no provision of food to the population from the government. The journalists who went out to learn from the people how they were coping with the confinement and highlighted the dire conditions under which they were living, were arrested. Presently, the general public doesn’t know what is happening indoors across Rwanda, because no independent journalist is allowed to report about that situation.

6. The coverup of an ongoing genocide
The same way the RPF government has covered up deliberate killings of Rwandans over the past 26 years, it is feared that under the current COVID-19 pandemic, everything seems to point to a well-engineered strategy of drastically reducing the number of Rwandans. If the confinement is not immediately reversed, with the lack of any provision of food to the confined people, between 3 to 4 millions of Rwandans can die by the end of May. These deaths would only be discovered years later because of the RPF mastery of covering up its crimes.

Maniragena Valens and Nzeyimana Ambrose

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Le chanteur Kizito MIHIGO : Missions accomplies.

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La date du 17 février 2020 sera à jamais gravée dans la mémoire de l’humanité toute entière, en particulier dans la mémoire des Rwandais. Je note bien « L’humanité toute entière », oui, parce que Kizito Mihigo aura été probablement le plus grand Humaniste de l’époque contemporaine, dévoué et sacrifié pour la cause humaine.

Kizito Mihigo dont le monde a salué l’audace, l’abnégation et le sacrifice ultime de soi, a bien accompli sa mission. Il a certainement rejoint Celui qui l’avait choisi pour semer la graine de la vie contre celle de la mort, Celui qui lui avait envoyé cette Colombe de la paix, du pardon et de la réconciliation, en tant que messager dans un pays déchiré par la haine.

« La colombe, symbole de l’amour et de la paix parmi les hommes ; la colombe, symbole de la demande et de l’offre du pardon ; la colombe, symbole de la réconciliation, symbole de l’apaisement et de la justice, symbole de la sagesse et du discernement; c’est cette colombe dont nous avons besoin» (sa chanson : « Inuma » traduit «la Colombe »)

Un devoir d’extirper les racines du mensonge qui détruisait les générations depuis plusieurs années,un devoir de lever le voile qui cachait la face de la vérité rwandaise, telle était la mission éminemment sensible et risquée! Pour une aussi lourde et périlleuse responsabilité, il aura bien fallu un Monsieur hors du commun, un Homme de foi guidé probablement par la force du Tout Puissant. Ce pari réussi au prix de son sang aura, sans nul conteste, des fruits délicieux à déguster . Il l’a dit et répété car c’était déjà son expérience de vie : « C’est nous qui témoignerons de l’unité parce que nous avons subi la haine de l’intolérance. Nous serons les fruits adulés, cueillis sur un arbre sorti de la misère »

Kizito Mihigo, et maintaint ?

Le lundi 17 février et les jours qui ont suivi, auront été d’une grande tristesse, très amers. On a du mal par moment à admette sa mort, son départ. Or, il n’est plus là, du moins physiquement! En revanche, il a tout fait pour nous. Il a tracé tout le chemin, il a abordé l’inabordable malgré toutes sortes d’intimidation qui pesaient sur lui. Il a contredit les menteurs qui se sont payés de sa vie. Il leur a appris que la vérité, la justice, le pardon et la vraie réconciliation seraient les seules sources de vie dans une communauté meurtrie par l’auto-destruction.

Les Rwandais et d’autres communautés ont été sensiblement touchés par cette mort. De cette dernière en revanche, on veut ardemment en sortir la vie, celle qui traversera des siècles. La vie qui va souder le Rwanda, ses fils et ses filles, toutes ethnies et toutes régions. C’est le rêve de Kizito Mihigo qui se réalisera absolument, il n’est plus que question de temps. Qui pourra refuser cette chance, ce beau cadeau qu’il nous a offert et qu’il a offert aussi, et oui, à ses détracteurs et à ses persécuteurs ? On le connaît notre ami Kizito, il aime tout le monde et il pardonne.

Beaucoup d’initiatives désormais en cours dans les quatre coins du monde sont à mon avis très salutaires (Kmp, Kms, funclubs, divers groupes.). Elles ne devraient, cependant, se focaliser qu’à un seul but, celui de concrétiser l’héritage Kizito: « la vérité, la justice, le pardon, l’unité et la réconciliation entre tous les Rwandais, sans aucune forme d’exclusion». Se disperser à tout-va, se servir de son nom pour des intérêts égoïstes, politiques ou économiques, ne serait que polluer et spolier son héritage. Ce serait d’énorme gâchis dont profiteraient ses détracteurs et tous les malveillants.

Bref, l’avenir du Rwanda est désormais connu et tracé. Kizito Mihigo a posé ses bases qu’il a arrosées avec son propre sang. On ne pourra plus revenir en arrière. Tous les Rwandais: homes, femmes, hutu, tutsi, twa, dirigeants et dirigés, il est temps de réexaminer notre passé douloureux avec équité, justice et pardon. Nous ne devons plus admettre que le sang des Rwandais continue à être abusivement versé. Nous sommes des humains, point!

Les médias internationaux en l’occurrence, seraient conviées à la même marche, pour se décaler des idées manipulées, manichéennes, et enfin aider véritablement les Rwandais à construire l’avenir. Un avenir qui ne tue plus, un avenir qui ne discrimine plus, un avenir juste.

Pour terminer, on ne peut souhaiter que Kizoto Mihigo soit reconnu à juste titre, pour toute son œuvre. Les instances et institutions habilitées, tant laïques que religieuses, nationales et internationales pourront jouer leur rôle dans ce processus de gratification du Grand Homme de tous les temps. Bien sûr, la meilleure gratification pour Kizito sera toujours le partage et la pérennisation de ses valeurs!

Faustin Kabanza
Le 26 avril 2020

https://www.musabyimana.net

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Rwanda : Vague d’arrestations et d’abus liés au confinement

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Il faut mettre fin à la répression des médias et aux arrestations arbitraires massives

La police rwandaise a arrêté arbitrairement des dizaines de personnes depuis que les directives pour empêcher la propagation du Covid-19 sont entrées en vigueur le 22 mars 2020. Les autorités ont accusé des personnes d’avoir enfreint les mesures, les détenant parfois dans des stades sans procédure régulière ni autorité légale.

Les autorités rwandaises devraient mettre fin aux détentions arbitraires, y compris de journalistes et de blogueurs tentant de révéler les abus, et s’assurer que les forces de sécurité respectent les droits humains lorsqu’elles contrôlent l’application des mesures. Les informations faisant état de meurtres, de viols et d’autres crimes graves par les forces de sécurité pendant le confinement devraient faire l’objet d’enquêtes rapides et transparentes et les responsables devraient être traduits en justice.

« Les directives du gouvernement pour prévenir la propagation du Covid-19 ne donnent pas carte blanche aux forces de sécurité pour ignorer l’État de droit et commettre des abus à l’encontre de la population, ni pour emprisonner ceux qui tentent de les révéler », a indiqué Lewis Mudge, directeur pour l’Afrique centrale à Human Rights Watch. « Les autorités rwandaises devraient faire cesser ces pratiques illégales immédiatement, enquêter de manière transparente sur les responsables et traduire en justice les agents impliqués dans des abus et qui ont commis des crimes. »

Depuis l’annonce des mesures, la police a twitté que « ne pas [les] respecter est une violation de la loi » et a averti que ceux qui seront « attrapés » auront une amende ou seront emprisonnés. Cependant, les directives ne prévoient pas de telles sanctions et la police n’a fourni aucune autre base juridique pour justifier leur autorité affirmée.

Les directives, qui ont été prolongées jusqu’au 30 avril, interdisent les déplacements « non nécessaires », y compris pour faire de l’exercice physique ; imposent la fermeture des écoles et des lieux de cultes ; interdisent les trajets entre villes et districts et bloquent les frontières, sauf pour le fret et les marchandises et les Rwandais et les résidents rentrant au pays, qui sont mis en quarantaine obligatoire pendant 14 jours. Le 22 avril, le ministère de la Santé a confirmé 153 cas de Covid-19 et aucun décès dû à la maladie.

Depuis le 8 avril, quatre blogueurs qui ont rapporté des abus et le chauffeur d’un des blogueurs ont été arrêtés et détenus pour violation présumée des directives du gouvernement. Après des années d’ingérence et d’intimidation de la part de l’État, la majeure partie de la presse écrite et des médias audiovisuels est fortement dominée par des opinions pro-gouvernement, mais dernièrement, des reportages plus sensibles sur les questions sociales et de droits humains ont été diffusés sur des blogs en ligne et sur des chaînes YouTube.

Dans une vidéo postée sur la chaîne YouTube d’Ishema TV le 3 avril, trois femmes de Kangondo II – un quartier pauvre connu sous le nom de « Bannyahe » dans le secteur de Remera à Kigali, la capitale – ont expliqué aux journalistes que des soldats responsables de l’application des mesures de confinement les avaient violées. Une victime a indiqué qu’une nuit de mars, un homme en uniforme militaire avec une arme est entré dans sa maison et l’a violée alors qu’un autre a suspendu son mari par les jambes à la fenêtre et l’a battu.

Une autre a raconté qu’elle a vu des hommes se faire frapper alors qu’un homme en uniforme militaire la forçait avec la crosse de son fusil à entrer dans la maison d’un voisin : « Il m’a violée…. Mais qu’est-ce que je pouvais faire alors qu’il était armé ? Comment j’aurais pu appeler à l’aide alors qu’ils frappaient des gens dehors sans intervention des autorités ? »

La BBC a également fait état de ces viols. Deux voisins avec qui Human Rights Watch s’est entretenu ont confirmé les récits des femmes, ajoutant que d’autres femmes avaient été violées mais n’avaient pas partagé leur témoignage, et que les soldats avaient aussi volé des biens dans le quartier. Une victime, contactée le 6 avril, a expliqué à Human Rights Watch que des militaires l’avait menacée et lui avait dit de ne parler à personne hors du pays de ce qui lui était arrivé.

Les femmes et les filles sont exposées à un risque accru de violences sexuelles et d’autres violences basées sur le genre pendant la pandémie de Covid-19. Les autorités rwandaises devraient s’assurer que des soins médicaux spécifiques après un viol et un soutien psychosocial – y compris des soins de santé mentale – sont disponibles pour les victimes, a déclaré Human Rights Watch.

Les Forces de défense rwandaises ont annoncé dans une déclaration le 4 avril qu’une enquête a été ouverte sur les « allégations de comportement criminel à l’encontre de citoyens par quelques soldats des FDR indisciplinés » et que cinq suspects étaient en détention.

Cependant, depuis lors, quatre blogueurs travaillant pour Afrimax TV, Ishema TV et Umubavu TV, qui ont fait des reportages sur les viols et l’impact des directives sur les populations vulnérables, ont été arrêtés dans des circonstances qui s’apparentent à des représailles. Au cours des derniers mois, elles ont diffusé des témoignages sensibles sur un conflit de longue date avec les autorités concernant des expulsions à « Bannyahe. »

Le 8 avril, le Bureau d’enquêtes rwandais (Rwanda Investigation Bureau, RIB) et des agents de police ont arrêté Valentin Muhirwa et David Byiringiro, deux blogueurs travaillant pour Afrimax TV, à Kangondo II. Un témoin a raconté à Human Rights Watch : « [Les journalistes] avaient discuté avec la population de leurs préoccupations, des expulsions, des vols commis par les soldats et des viols. Ils leur ont dit qu’ils n’avaient rien à manger… Le 8 avril, [les journalistes] sont revenus avec des provisions dans une fourgonnette. » Deux habitants ont dit que l’équipe de six personnes a demandé la permission au leader local de distribuer des aliments et des produits, mais au bout de 30 minutes, le RIB et des agents de police sont apparus, les accusant d’enfreindre les directives du gouvernement et d’organiser une distribution non autorisée. Ils ont confisqué les produits et les ont arrêtés.

Le 12 avril, le RIB a twitté la confirmation de l’arrestation de Theoneste Nsengimana, le propriétaire d’Umubavu TV, pour fraude présumée. Le RIB l’a accusé d’avoir promis 20 000 francs rwandais (21 USD) à des personnes pour qu’elles racontent qu’elles recevaient une assistance de l’étranger « dans le but de solliciter le témoignage pour son propre bénéfice ».

La Commission rwandaise des médias a indiqué dans une déclaration le 13 avril qu’aucun des journalistes détenus n’étaient arrêtés dans le cadre de son travail, et que les blogueurs en ligne, comme ceux qui utilisent YouTube, ne sont pas des journalistes et « ne sont pas autorisés à interviewer la population ».

Le 15 avril, Dieudonné Niyonsenga, aussi connu sous le nom de Cyuma Hassan, le propriétaire d’Ishema TV, a été arrêté avec son chauffeur, Fidèle Komezusenge. Le RIB a accusé Dieudonné Niyonsenga d’avoir enfreint les mesures de confinement et d’avoir donné à Fidèle Komezusenge une carte de presse non autorisée.

Le Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques et la Charte africaine des Droits de l’Homme et des Peuples, auxquels le Rwanda est partie, protègent la liberté d’expression, qui inclut le travail important et le rôle des journalistes. Le Comité des droits de l’homme de l’ONU, qui surveille le Pacte, a souligné dans ses orientations sur la liberté d’expression que le journalisme est « une fonction exercée par des personnes de tous horizons, notamment des reporters et analystes professionnels à plein temps ainsi que des blogueurs et autres particuliers qui publient eux-mêmes le produit de leur travail, sous forme imprimée, sur l’Internet ou d’autre manière ». La Déclaration des principes de la liberté d’expression et de l’accès à l’information en Afrique de la Commission africaine des Droits de l’Homme et des Peuples protège aussi les journalistes et les médias en ligne.

Une presse libre devrait pouvoir remettre en question les récits officiels et communiquer des informations d’intérêt public en enquêtant sur les abus commis par les forces de sécurité, via tout type de média. Tout journaliste arrêté pour avoir fait son travail devrait être immédiatement libéré, a déclaré Human Rights Watch.

Le 25 mars, les médias ont rapporté que les forces de sécurité rwandaises avaient tué deux habitants du district de Nyanza. La Police nationale rwandaise a expliqué qu’ils avaient été abattus dans une situation de légitime défense après qu’ils auraient attaqué un agent et a critiqué une conduite « inadéquate et non professionnelle » des journalistes pour avoir lié les meurtres au confinement.

Depuis l’entrée en vigueur du confinement, la police et les médias locaux ont rapporté des dizaines d’arrestations de personnes accusées d’avoir enfreint les directives du gouvernement. Le 15 avril, Human Rights Watch a écrit au ministre de la Justice Johnston Busingye pour demander des informations sur la base juridique ayant justifié l’arrestation des personnes et les amendes imposées, mais le ministre n’a pas répondu. Pour être légale et non arbitraire, toute privation de liberté peut uniquement avoir lieu pour des motifs prévus par la loi.

Deux habitants de Gisenyi, dans le nord-ouest du Rwanda, ont raconté à Human Rights Watch que la police avait arrêté des personnes qui tentaient de se déplacer, même pour des courses essentielles, comme les services bancaires ou l’achat de nourriture, à des points de contrôle et les avaient conduites à bord de pick-ups surpeuplés vers le stade local en guise de « punition ». Les personnes ont été forcées de s’asseoir à quelques mètres les unes des autres au soleil.

« Nous étions environ 100 quand je suis arrivé, mais toutes les 30 minutes, ils amenaient de nouvelles personnes », a expliqué un habitant qui a été détenu dans le stade d’Umuganda à Gisenyi début avril. « J’y ai passé huit heures – il y avait quelques femmes avec des jeunes enfants, qui pleuraient… Nous n’avons pas reçu d’eau ou de nourriture… Certains ont été gardés là jusqu’à 21 h et ont dû repartir à la maison à pied après. » Human Rights Watch a reçu des récits crédibles indiquant que des personnes accusées d’avoir enfreint les règles de confinement à Kigali ont aussi été détenues dans des stades.

Le 27 mars, le président Paul Kagame a annoncé un « plan de protection sociale », qui inclut la livraison de nourriture gratuite à au moins 20 000 foyers à Kigali. Un journaliste rwandais a expliqué à Human Rights Watch le 17 avril : « Certains journalistes ont tenté de trouver qui sont les bénéficiaires de ce programme – ces blogueurs qui ont été arrêtés essayaient de découvrir les faits. »

« Il est inacceptable que le Rwanda utilise des méthodes autoritaires pour faire appliquer les mesures de santé publique afin d’endiguer la propagation du Covid-19 », a conclu Lewis Mudge. « La répression des médias envoie un message délibérément glaçant à un moment où la surveillance du comportement des forces de sécurité est capitale.

Human Rights Watch

Kagame and his RPF were not interested in saving Tutsi lives.

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Statement by the RPF on the proposed deployment of a U.N. intervention force in Rwanda on 30th April 1994.

Original UN archive is available here.

The United Nations Security Council has been urged by the U.N. Secretary General to authorize the deployment of a U.N. intervention force in Rwanda for the purpose of stopping massacres of innocent civilians.

The massacres have been going on for several years but particularly become intense after the death of President Habyarimana on April 6, 1994.

The Rwandese Patriotic Front wishes to make the following observations regarding the massacres:

1. The massacres ware carefully planned in advance and systematically executed to ensure the complete extermination of those perceived as opponents of the regime. The plans for these massacres were hatched during President Habyarimana’s own life time with his knowledge and active participation.

2. RPF has very firm evidence indicating that the massacres were but for the death of the President originally intended to take place during the transition period after the Rwandese Patriotic Army forces had handed over their weapons to the United Nations and gone to the assembly points where they would be easy prey.

3. The occurrence of these massacres did not come as a surprise to RPF. Indeed, the RPF consistently brought the alarming preparations for these massacres to the attention of the international community for many months prior to their outbreak. The Secretary General of U.N. and the governments of all the countries which were represented at Arusha during the peace talks were duly informed about the preparations for these massacres through their accredited representatives in Kigali and various high ranking officials who have visited RPF both at Kigali and Mulindi ever since the signing of the peace agreement to discuss the possibilities of facilitating implementation of the peace agreement.

The international community was fore warned but did not find it possible or necessary to take any measures to prevent these massacres.

4. There is a misleading impression that the atrocities which have been committed were committed in course of armed conflict between two fighting groups. There are two groups alright but only one is armed and is committing the atrocities. The group of the victims is unarmed and defenseless. This is simply a case of state inspired violence against innocent citizens on account of their perceived political beliefs or ethnic origins.

The massacres are above all not a result of fighting between two different ethnic groups as the statement of the U.N. Secretary General would appear to indicate.

5. Although the Tutsi community has been singled out as a candidate for extermination, Rwandese of other ethnicities have equally been victims of the atrocities. Tens of thousands of Hutus have died because they belonged to opposition parties. Indeed, the majority of prominent public personalities who were executed were Hutus. The false perception that this is an ethnic conflict needs to be corrected.

6. These massacres are not new in Rwanda’s history. They are a repeat of similar massacres which were committed by the very same security apparatus headed by President Habyarimana between 1959 and 1966, between 1972 and 1973 and between 1990 and 1994.

7. The atrocities in Rwanda have been committed exclusively by the regime. The Rwandese Patriotic Front has not, contrary to what some have implied from the contents of the letter of the U.N. Secretary General addressed to the U.N. Security Council on April 29, 1994, been involved in committing and is not planning to carry out any atrocities. It has instead fallen upon us to rescue many Rwandese from such atrocities. The Rwandese Patriotic Front reiterates that all areas under its control are completely secure and open to inspection by the International community.

8. President Habyarimana and his collaborators planned and prepared for these massacres by taking advantage of the cease-fire arrangements which RPF had agreed to for the purpose of providing a suitable environment for promoting national reconciliation, restoring peace and democratizing our country.

RPF is firmly convinced that the international community has exhibited double standards by insisting that RPF must abide by the peace process agreed upon while doing nothing whatsoever about Habyarimana’s evident preparations to wreck the very peace process which they were promoting.

The United Nations mission (UNAMIR) which was in Rwanda, with a force of more than 2,500 personnel, at the outbreak of the current crisis was unable to offer protection to Rwandese Citizens who were threatened with violence. It did not intervene to stop the massacres, citing the constraints imposed by their mandate, although the mandate could have been changed by the U.N. Security Council at short notice. The force was instead withdrawn leaving the Rwando8s population at the mercy of the murderers.

The International Community stood by and helplessly watched while hundreds of thousands of innocent Rwandese Citizens perished. Few have dared to come out in public to condemn the authors of the atrocities which are being committed, let alone taken any steps to actively assist the actual and potential victims.

As a result of the massacres, it is reported (OXFAM) that more than a half million people (500,000) may have already died.

The manner and scale of the massacres clearly leave no doubt whatsoever that the atrocities which have been committed amount to genocide as defined by the relevant U.N. Conventions. We feel that the debate in some circles, including the U.N. Security Council, about whether genocide has really been committed is academic if not cynical. We the Rwandese and other people who have witnessed the atrocities first hand know for sure that genocide has indeed taken place.

The massacres have been orchestred by the so-called provisional government using the following:

1. The Presidential Guard.

2. Members of the regular National Army.

3. The Para-military Police (Gendarmerie Nationale),

4. Armed civilians and militia under the control of the late President’s party, the MRND and its allies, particularly the extremist CDR party.

The International Community owes the Rwandese people an obligation to condemn and ostracize the perpetrators of these massacres and to help in bringing them to justice. Some countries have, instead, lent legitimacy to these murderers and are already plotting to create a future role for them in the politics of our country. We would mention in particular the governments of France and Egypt which have hosted high level talks with members of the so-called provisional government and appear to be master-minding the current proposal for the deployment of a U.N. intervention force as a result of those talks.

The United Nations should take a leading role in ensuring that the members of the regime responsible for the massacres are not accorded legitimacy by any government or International organization. Should the U.N. itself receive and accord legitimacy to members of the said regime, the Rwandese Patriotic Front will have no option but to request that even the 270 member remnant of UNAMIR be recalled.

The Special Representative of the U.N. Secretary General to Rwanda, Dr. Jacques Roger Boon-Booh has throughout his stay in our country behaved in a very partisan manner and is not up to task entrusted to him. The Rwandese Patriotic Front will not participate in any future U.N. effort to resolve the Rwanda conflict unless and until the said Special Representative and his Assistant are recalled.

The time for U.N. intervention is long past. The genocide is almost completed. Most of the potential victims of the regime have either been killed or have since fled.

The Rwandese Patriotic Front believes the foremost and appropriate role U.N. agencies at this particular time would be to find the ways and means of handling the humanitarian crisis caused by the violence and displacement of the population. This humanitarian crisis has unfortunately not received the attention it deserves to date.

The Rwandese Patriotic Front regards the proposed U.N. intervention as deliberate attempt to manipulate the U.N. process and machinery to protect and support the murderers who constitute the provisional government.

Consequently, the Rwandese Patriotic Front hereby declares that it is categorically opposed to the proposed U.N. intervention force and will not under any circumstances cooperate in its setting up and operation.

In view of the forgoing the Rwandese Patriotic Front:

a. Calls upon the U.N. Security Council not to authorize the deployment of the proposed force as U.N. intervention at this stage can no longer serve any useful purpose as far as stopping the massacres is concerned.

b. Requests International Community to exert pressure on the murderers who constitute the so-called provisional government and are responsible for the massacres by:

1. Withholding recognition for the so-called provisional government which has taken power by unconstitutional means.

2. Condemning in person the prominent personalities of the regime who have been involved in committing atrocities.

3. Imposing punitive sanctions against the so called provisional government.

4. Setting in motion the process of establishing without delay war crimes tribunals and other mechanisms for bringing the persons responsible for the atrocities to justice.

c. Requests the U.N. Secretary General to replace his Special Representative in Rwanda without delay by someone more competent.

d. Calls upon the international community to urgently respond to the humanitarian crisis in Rwanda by providing assistance to the needy and gives its assurances that it shall cooperate fully in all efforts to alleviate the currant humanitarian crisis.

e. Calls upon the United Nations to immediately send a mission to areas of Rwanda controlled by RPF to confirm that no massacres or human rights of any nature have been committed by RPP forces as implied in the above-mentioned letter by the U.N. Secretary General to the Security council.

For: The Political Bureau of The Rwandese Patriotic Front

Mr. Gerald Gahima
Mr. Claude Dusaidi

Content was OCRed from original archive of the letter: http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB117/Rw29.pdf

Kizito Mihigo: Son calvaire en documentaire, version française (1ère partie)

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LE CHEMIN DE CROIX DE KIZITO MIHIGO ”La première partie” ”Depuis sa chanson “l’explication de la mort” jusqu’à sa mort

Rwandans’ Rights

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